About regional identity. Regional identity and international cooperation of regions

Regional identity in terms of geopolitics

In Russia, as in the world as a whole, the region is becoming an important level of political action and dialogue, where national, supranational and global forces meet local demands. Regions play an increasingly important role in geopolitical processes. Russian regions have entered the processes of globalization, and these processes are extremely uneven and competitive, which means the emergence of new opportunities and problems for Russia.

The problems of regionalism are today at the center of the political life of many countries. Back in 1998, the European Parliament, taking into account the severity of these problems, adopted the "Charter of Regionalism", according to which the region is understood as a homogeneous space with a physical-geographical, ethnic, cultural, linguistic community, as well as a common economic structure and a common historical destiny. It is important to note that not all of these components must be present without fail, there will invariably be one or more dominant features. In each case, their combination gives a unique regional situation.

There is no universal definition of "region"; division of space into regions depends on the area of ​​research and the formulated task. Determination of the boundaries of the region and its features in most cases depend on the goals and methodological base of the study.

Regionalization processes taking place in different countries of the world are the object of study in political, sociological, historical, philosophical literature. First of all, geopoliticians, sociologists and economists turned to the problems of regionalization, since this phenomenon is closely related to globalization and the resulting changes in the socio-political and economic spheres. There are various approaches to defining a region, each of which emphasizes some aspect of regionalism. Its content depends on which particular section of life in the region is actualized by a particular science.

At the same time, the most complete definition of the concept of "region" and its main features, it seems, is offered by the doctrine of European integral federalism based on the principles of an integrated interdisciplinary approach. Its essence lies in the fact that an integrating political organism (for example, the European Union) interacts with politically organized territories, that is, with local, regional associations, self-governing and autonomous. This approach does not require cultural, economic, linguistic homogeneity, in contrast to American model... European federalism is based on the unification of different levels of identity that do not contradict, but complement each other, that is, on the unification of regions.

In political science, the region is considered as one of the units of the territorial structure of the national state, that is, the subnational level, a cell of the grid of administrative-territorial division, where regional power institutions operate with certain competencies and appropriate financial resources for their implementation, a regional political life... In a broad sense, a region is defined as an institution or a system of institutions and organizations operating on a certain territory, which is a fragment of a state's territory.

In regional studies, the concept of "region" is used in a narrow sense to designate a territorial community within the administrative boundaries of a constituent entity of the Russian Federation, which is characterized by such features as integrity and controllability.

Geopolitical theory, based on the spatial factor, has an object of study not only the entire Earth as a whole, but also its individual parts. In geopolitics, a region is understood as, first, a part of a country's territory that has a common natural, socio-economic, national-cultural and other conditions; secondly, a group of neighboring countries, which is a separate economic and geographic region, with common features that distinguish this region from others. In this work, we will adhere to this definition of the region.

Let us briefly consider the influence of geopolitical factors on the transformation of the regional structure of the Russian Federation. The process of transforming regional relations is an integral part of the transformation of Russian society and is a combination of various trends generated by a complex of geographic, socio-economic, political, ethnocultural conditions. At the present time, it can be clearly stated that geopolitical factors are exerting an increasing influence on the processes taking place within a particular country, including the Russian Federation. Accordingly, these factors also affect the change in regional relations, and with the development of globalization processes, this impact becomes more and more significant.

The collapse of the USSR radically changed the political and legal status of regions, territories and autonomous formations. In the post-Soviet period, there has been a contradictory process of the formation of the country's regional structure. It includes, on the one hand, the tendencies of decentralization - the redistribution of powers from federal to regional power and, on the other hand, opposite processes of strengthening the territorial integrity of the country and strengthening the administrative and management vertical. It cannot be argued that at present the search for an optimal model of the country's regional structure is close to completion. And this search is conditioned not only by the specifics of the state and its constituent regions, but also by geopolitical factors.

As you know, the process of regional development is characterized by a change in the tendencies of centralization, that is, consolidation and merger of regions and decentralization, respectively, their disintegration into parts, disconnection of territories. Both of these tendencies are natural and have objective grounds.

In states that have preserved their territorial integrity, there are processes of autonomy of territories, an increase in the role of regions in the development of society. In this regard, the collapse of the USSR and centrifugal tendencies in the Russian Federation can partly be regarded as a manifestation of the process of global development due to a historical pattern.

It should be noted that the processes of decentralization and regionalization are developing simultaneously and in parallel with the processes of integration that are not taking place at the interstate level. Integration is expressed in the creation of supranational political, financial and other organizations, unions, blocs, as well as in the formation of a global economic system that subordinates national economies to its own rules and institutions. In this capacity, integration also contributes to the weakening of the territorial unity of states.

The processes of globalization that are gaining strength are characterized by the destruction of the political and economic integrity of territorial entities that are not integrated into the system of economic relations determined by transnational corporations, supranational and financial institutions and political blocs.

The integrative processes should include the formation of a single world information space, as well as the spread of mass culture, which creates a system of universal meanings, ideals, and practices. The influence of this factor on the processes of regionalization is contradictory. As a result of the assimilation of universal meanings, ideals, practices, a person's identification of himself as a representative of a particular state is destroyed. Regional identity is also threatened, but, at the same time, the processes of globalization and the spread of mass culture contribute to the growth of interest in local, ethnic characteristics.

Thus, the emerging geopolitical situation forms a whole complex of problems related to the regional structure of the Russian Federation, the solution of which is possible with an understanding of the objective laws of the development of global processes and with their consideration in the implementation of regional policy. This policy should not hinder the formation of regional identity, the growth of independence of regions, their ability to independently solve their internal problems.

Considering regional identity from the point of view of geopolitics, it is necessary to take into account the global political situation, which has increased the degree of influence on the development of regional phenomena. V last years geopolitical changes took place on the European continent, which had a significant impact on world political processes and affected the regions of Central and of Eastern Europe, territories the former USSR... Started new stage integration process, and international relations began to go beyond the framework of interstate relations and acquire a diverse and multi-level nature. This leads to the formation of other contours of regional identity. In this regard, the analysis of the perception of oneself and each other by peoples, countries and various groups of the population of a particular region acquires particular importance.

Accordingly, the concepts of "identity" and "identification" have become one of the main themes of political science and practice. If earlier these categories were used mainly by psychologists, philosophers, sociologists and ethnologists, then political and sociocultural transformations at the beginning of the 21st century, requiring systemic awareness, actualize identity as a political science problem and a condition for choosing a strategy for survival and responding to new challenges. The gaining strength of political and economic globalization inevitably poses for Russia the problem of finding a new regional identity in a changing world.

In any country in the world, the regional self-awareness of the population is one of the important factors in identifying regions as unified territorial systems. The degree of development of regional self-awareness is of particular importance for multiethnic countries with a federal type of state structure. Even in many unitary states of Europe, there is a phenomenon of a high level of self-identification of the population towards a particular inner region, which is a consequence of the historical process of development of each state.

The processes of regionalization in the minds of society also take place in the Russian Federation. In fact, the phenomenon of regional identity is a fairly new phenomenon for Russia. The collapse of the USSR, the formation and development of the federal structure and whole line phenomena associated with transformation processes have largely contributed to the isolation of Russian regions from each other in socio-economic, political and mental terms.

It is obvious that the formation of regional self-awareness has become a characteristic feature of the post-Soviet transformation of society. There are two opposite tendencies in the society. On the one hand, a Russian civic identity with its own set of consensus values ​​is gradually taking shape. On the other hand, there is a regionalization of public consciousness, which became a reaction to the crisis of national identity that arose as a result of the collapse of the USSR. This process is interpreted in different ways by modern researchers. Some believe that regional values, along with ethno-national ones, replace a complex of values ​​in the public consciousness Soviet period... As a rule, regionalization is perceived by them as a temporary phenomenon characteristic of the transitional period of modernization of Soviet society. Others see it as a global process, since the revival of regional self-awareness is actively taking place in European countries, where a united, but diverse and polycentric “Europe of regions” is being formed in place of national states.

In fact, the consequences of the political changes in Russia have led to an identification crisis. Society and, above all, in the socio-cultural environment, faced with all the acuteness the main questions characteristic of the periods of transformational changes: "who are we?" and "where are we going?" The lack of clear unambiguous answers to these questions led to differentiation within Russian society, which caused the collapse of the previous model of the identification system. This disintegration actualized the entire set of existing types of identities that held the frame of the former identification system together, which led to the emergence of increased scientific interest in the problems of regionalization of the country and the mechanisms for identifying regional communities.

In this regard, the actualization of regional identity is understood as a process of forming the identification of a region, in a situation of transformation taking place in it in order to stabilize the functioning of the socio-political system at the regional level.

The relevance of the problem is also determined by the fact that it is studied at the junction of political science disciplines - political regional studies, political sociology, geopolitics and ethnopolitical conflictology, within which a comprehensive analysis of regional identity as an element of the political transformation of Russian society is carried out. This allows us to identify the mechanism of action of this process in the development of the country and determine its role in the consolidation of the system of state power in Russia. Proceeding from this, the stated problem can be classified as one of the most theoretically and practically significant scientific topics within the framework of modern political science discourse.

The process of regional identification is expressed not in the replacement of some formal institutions of society by others, which usually takes place during the period of political transformation in most transitional countries, carrying out democratic transition, but in their complete demolition, the introduction of informal rules and traditions, myths, foundations and customs that exist in the experience of the regional space.

This problem can be best analyzed using the example of the North Caucasian region, where a number of problems overlap, which have a strong impact on the regional political process. Firstly, these are the problems and contradictions that arise in the relationship of the main political actors, which, in general, is typical of the regionalization process taking place within the Russian Federation. Secondly, this is a region in which the past Soviet experience is difficult to overcome, since many social issues have become acutely manifested in the North Caucasus, which have a significant impact on its modern political development. Thirdly, about 150 ethnic groups live here, representing almost the entire Russian ethnic area, and in this sense the region is multi-ethnic and multi-confessional. Fourth, the region is influenced by both Western and Eastern cultural waves, which makes the Caucasus multicultural, fragmenting its single sociocultural layer.

Certain geopolitical realities have developed in the North Caucasus, which should be comprehended in the context of global transformations taking place in the world and in Russia. After all, it is part of the world and Russian geopolitical space, which significantly affects the nature of the phenomena taking place here. The region covers an area of ​​335 thousand square meters. km. and includes 10 constituent entities of the Russian Federation: Krasnodar and Stavropol Territories, Rostov Region, Adygea, Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia, North Ossetia, Ingushetia and Chechnya.

According to its geopolitical position with North Caucasus it is difficult to compare any other corner of the world. It is no coincidence that the Caucasus is called the “solar plexus of Eurasia” (Y. Zhdanov) and “the crossroads of geopolitical goals” (A. G. Zdravomyslov); it has a number of unique features that distinguish it from many other regions of the world. Today we have to admit that at the geopolitical level, its strategic importance can hardly be overestimated. And therefore, it is an attractive geopolitical object - a place of rivalry between many states.

The Caucasus is a zone of active interethnic and interfaith contacts. As a result of these relationships, groups with a complex identity have been formed, the study of which is important both for identifying the mechanisms of their existence and for identifying the patterns of the course of some ethnic, political and confessional processes in the region.

The problem of Caucasian identity has been studied in sufficient detail in the works of A.Yu. Shadzhe, in whose opinion it is a form of being of the peoples of the Caucasian society, which is formed on the basis of a certain way of life, in which there is a geographical constant. By Caucasian identity, the author understands "the ability of the Caucasian peoples to realize their socio-cultural unity, their belonging to the common and whole Caucasian world."

To study the phenomenon of regional identity, it is necessary to present an analysis of explanatory models and conceptual approaches aimed at understanding and disclosing its essence. In world science, there are many conceptual results of understanding this phenomenon, which is a fairly traditional phenomenon for Western science. However, for a long time he was practically out of sight of domestic thought and still remains poorly studied. Apparently, this is due to the "novelty of the plot itself."

Without going into the analysis of foreign experience, let us briefly dwell on the Russian discourse. The specifics of the formation of the regional community in Russia, presented in the works of domestic authors, allows us to trace the features of regional identity. So, for some, regional identity is a set of cultural relations associated with the concept of "small homeland" or "a person's attitude to his small homeland, to the land on which he was born or lives and works"; for others - a socio-psychological sense of belonging to a regional community, and at the same time the boundaries of the region as a concept of the mental coincide with the boundaries of the community.

The study of "territorial identity" is being carried out by N.А. Shmatko and Yu.L. Kachanov, according to which identity is the result of the identification "I am a member of a territorial community." It is assumed that for each individual with a fixed set of images of territories, the identification mechanism is constant. The authors point out that each individual has an image, which, together with the way of correlating (comparing, evaluating, distinguishing and identifying) the image of "I" and images territorial communities forms a mechanism for territorial identification. An important point here is the “scale” or boundaries of the territorial community to which the individual feels a part: it can be a limited territory - a specific place (city, village, region) or much wider spaces - Russia, the CIS.

In the context of the problem under study, three collections are also of interest. scientific papers... The first one, “Central Europe in Search of a New Regional Identity,” is devoted to the problem of the formation of a new regional identity in Central European countries. Based on specific material, the authors revealed a tendency towards a new intraregional identification, and, in addition to considering the general aspects of the formation of a new regional identity in the political, economic, cultural and ideological aspects, the work also contains an analysis of the situation in individual countries of the region.

The second, “Center and Regional Identities in Russia,” examines the role of regional identity in Russian politics and public life, the formation of post-Soviet regional identity, its relationship with other manifestations of identity and mechanisms for the development of regional identity.

Within the framework of an interdisciplinary research approach - on the border of political science, regional studies, political geography and geopolitics, the third one - "Regional identity as a factor in the formation of political culture in Russia", was carried out.

An analytical review of existing research in domestic science allows us to conclude that the analysis of this phenomenon is carried out mainly within the framework of two main approaches: sociocultural - the study of differences in the self-awareness of national entities and political - the study of differences political development territories and electoral preferences of their population.

The essence of the sociocultural approach boils down to the fact that the formation of this type of identity occurs "from below" and is a consequence of the crisis of the "system of political identification at the national level." This point view implies that regional identities are temporary and transient, since, according to the authors, after the revival of general civil identity in mass consciousness regional communities will cease to play a significant role.

Some authors propose to consider the emergence and development of political (including regional) identity as a result of the strategies of political actors, by virtue of which the identities existing in society are “translated” into the political agenda.

Within the framework of the second approach, the main attention is paid to the purposeful construction of regional identity "from above" and the focus is on the "policy of regional identity", as well as "agents of the formation of regional identity".

Based on the established understanding of identity, regional identity can be considered as a key element in the construction of a region as a socio-political space; it can serve as the basis for a special perception of national political problems. It can be assumed that regional identity arises as a result of the crisis of other identities and is largely a reflection of the historically emerging centro-peripheral relations within states and macroregions. Regional identity is a kind of key to constructing a region as a socio-political and institutional space.

So, regional identity is a part of social identity, in the structure of which two main components are usually distinguished: cognitive - knowledge, ideas about the characteristics of one's own group and awareness of oneself as a member of it; and affective - an assessment of the qualities of one's own group, the significance of membership in it. In the structure of regional identification, in our opinion, there are the same two main components - knowledge, ideas about the peculiarities of one's own "territorial" group and awareness of oneself as a member of it and an assessment of the qualities of one's own territory, its significance in the global and local coordinate system.

What does this mean for the population, united by a common place of residence? The answer is obvious - a regional community is emerging. It is necessary to realize one more important aspect of the essence of the region, which determines the specifics of identification. Usually, the "naturalness" of a particular region is proved by similar geographic or cultural parameters that "naturally" separate this region from neighboring territories.

It should be noted that the declaration of a set of territories as a "region" is possible only if there are certain signs: common historical destinies, peculiarities of culture (material and spiritual) inherent only to this group, geographical unity of the territory, some general type of economy. In other words, for regional identification, a fundamentally important concept is the idea of ​​territorial ties that arise on the basis of joint or neighboring residence of members of social groups of various scales and cultural identification.

Analyzing the components of this type of identity, in addition to the indicated factors, scientists distinguish the "we-they" dichotomy. On the basis of this opposition, two main components are distinguished in the structure of identity: autostereotypes - a set of attributive features about the actual or imagined specific features of one's own group; and heterostereotypes - a set of attributive features about other groups.

Analysis of the literature suggests that the identification of types of regional identity remains controversial. It seems to be a fairly complete and large-scale classification proposed by R.F. Turovsky. The author identifies six types: republican identity, which is characteristic of the titular ethnic groups of the republics and clearly dominates over the all-Russian; supranational republican identity uniting the titular people, the Russian population and other peoples living in the republics; Russian regional identity, which is tied to the subjects of the federation and is double, i.e. combined with the all-Russian identity; Russian regional identity, which is associated with sub-ethnic communities; Russian regional identity tied to large geographic communities (for example, Siberia); regional and ideological identity, which is determined by the political, ideological, electoral orientation of the regions.

The next important aspect of the problem is the realization that the formation and development of regional identity presupposes the presence of three types of prerequisites. The first is of a cultural nature: identity can be rooted in a particular regional history, traditions, myths, language, religion, etc. The second is of a socio-economic nature: identity can be rooted in interregional imbalances in the levels of economic and social development... The third is the geographical factor: the degree of peripherality or sharp differences between the country's macroregions (North-South, East-West).

When characterizing national identity, as a rule, distinguish between its external and internal functions. The first is its ability to delineate territorial space and substantiate economic and political institutions. The latter are manifested in the fact that it serves as the basis of socialization, a link between individuals and classes, a method and means of localizing oneself in the world. It seems that this reasoning can be applied to regional identity. Moreover, in our opinion, regional and national identities can be complementary due to the complexity and plurality of political identities. At the same time, they are also capable of opposing each other, due to which regional identity, under certain conditions, can develop into a national one.

As noted above, within the framework of the modern scientific paradigm, the study of the phenomenon under consideration can only be complex, using various approaches. The concept of regional identity has an interdisciplinary content and is based on the scientific heritage of a number of sciences. When analyzing the processes of development of regional identity in modern Russia, it is necessary to use four approaches: culturological (the processes of modern cultural genesis in Russian regions and their political consequences); political science, including ethnopolitical (regional political process, its specificity and significance for the national political process, the ratio of regional and national in Russian politics); electoral-geographical (identification of political-ideological, value differences between regions using the analysis of the geography of elections); sociological (analysis of the ratio of regional and national in the perceptions of Russians in different regions). In general, while agreeing with this formulation of the question, in our opinion, one should also add a geopolitical approach to the analysis of regional identity.

Summing up, it is important to emphasize that the processes of regionalization and changes in the political map of the world have led to the problem of determining the essence of the phenomenon of identity. Discussions around the integration of the world community, the emergence of transnational associations, the formation of global economic corporations, the development of telecommunication technologies require a rethinking of the phenomenon of identity.

The political transformation processes that took place, first in the USSR, and then in the Russian Federation, had the main goal - the implementation of the transition to a democratic society. Meanwhile, the changes led to the stratification of society and caused a crisis that led to the actualization of many elements, including regional identity.

The study of regions today is carried out in different directions: in the geopolitical (in the context of the problems of globalization and regionalization), in the sociological (the activities of certain social groups are analyzed), in the historical (the specific features of life in a given territory are described), demographic (the problems of resettlement of the population, the placement of labor resources, nature and dynamics of migration). In this list of areas of regional research, another important component has recently emerged - the analysis of regional identity.

Thus, regional identity in the system of strategic analysis of the territory is a factor of social economic development and an element of political control. However, it is important factor Russian political process. Among the types of identity, it occupies a special place and is associated with certain territories that determine special forms of life practices, worldviews, symbolic images.

Today it is legitimate to say that the regionalization of public consciousness is increasing in the country, which is stimulated by the processes taking place both in the center and in the regions. In transforming states, identity is dynamic and depends on new social relations and alliances, including at the regional level.

region geopolitical identity

Notes:

• 1. See: A. Fadeeva Federalist model of the European Union / A. Fadeeva // World Economy and International Relations. - 2000. - No. 6. - S. 26-28.
• 2. See: I.M. Busygina. Political regionalism / I.M. Busygin. - M .: ROSSPEN, 2006 .-- P. 7.
• 3. See: Regional Studies: Tutorial/ Resp. ed. SOUTH. Volkov. - Rostov-n / D: Phoenix, 2004 .-- P. 27.
• 4. See: Geopolitics. Popular encyclopedia / Under total. ed. V. Manilova. - M .: TERRA - Book club, 2002. - S. 485.
• 5. See: Turovsky R.F. Regional Identity in Modern Russia // Russian Society: Formation of Democratic Values? / R.F. Turovsky. - M .: Gandalf, 1999 .-- S. 87-88.
• 6. See: A.Yu. Shadzhe. The phenomenon of Caucasian identity // Scientific thought of the Caucasus. SKNTS VSh. - 2002. - No. 1. - S. 36-45; Shadzhe A.Yu. Ethnic values ​​as a philosophical problem. / A.Yu. Shadzhe. - M .: RFO. - Maikop: LLC "Quality", 2005.
• 7. Shadzhe A.Yu. Ethnic values ​​as a philosophical problem / A.Yu. Shadzhe. - M .: RFO. - Maikop: LLC "Quality", 2005. - P. 80.
• 8. See: N. Petrov Formation of regional identity in modern Russia // Center and regional identities in Russia / Ed. Gelman V., Hopf T./N. Petrov. - SPb .: Summer Garden, 2003 .-- P. 125.
• 9. See: M.P. Krylov. Regional identity in the historical core of European Russia / M.P. Krylov // Sociological Research. - 2005. - No. 3. - S. 13.
• 10. Guboglo M.N. Identity identification: Ethnosociological essays / M.N. Guboglo. - M .: Nauka, 2003 .-- S. 399.
• 11. See: N.M. Nozhenko. In search of a new regional community: a possible prospect of considering federal districts // Political Science: Identity as a factor of politics and a subject of political science / N.M. Nozhenko, N.B. Yargomskaya. - M .: INION RAN, 2005 .-- P. 123.
• 12. See: N. A. Shmatko. Territorial identity as a subject of sociological research / N.A. Shmatko, Yu.L. Kachanov. // Sociological research. - 1998. - No. 4. - S. 94-101.
• 13. See: Central Europe in search of a new regional identity / Sat. articles. Resp. ed. Yu.S. Novopashin. - M .: Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2000.
• 14 See: Center and Regional Identities in Russia / Ed. Gelman V., Hopf T. - SPb .: Letniy Sad, 2003.
• 15. See: Regional identity as a factor in the formation of political culture in Russia. - M .: MONF, 1999.
• 16. See: E.Yu. Meleshkina. Regional identity as a component of the problems of the Russian political space // Regional identity as a factor in the formation of political culture in Russia / E.Yu. Meleshkin. - M .: MONF, 1999 .-- S. 131.
• 17. See: V. Gelman, Regional identity: Myth or reality // Regional identity as a factor in the formation of political culture in Russia / V. Gelman, E. Popova. - M .: MONF, 1999 .-- S. 188.
• 18. See: V.Ya. Gelman. Strategies of regional identity and the role of political elites (on the example of the Novgorod region) // Regional processes in modern Russia / V.Ya. Gelman. - M .: INION RAN, 2003 .-- P. 32.
• 19. See: Oracheva OI Regional Identity: Myth or Reality? // Regional identity as a factor in the formation of political culture in Russia / O.I. Oracheva. - M .: MONF, 1999 .-- S. 36-43.
• 20. See: L. Drobizheva. Russian, Ethnic and Republican Identity: Competition or Compatibility // Center and Regional Identities in Russia / Ed. Gelman V., Hopf T./L. Drobizheva. - SPb .: Summer Garden, 2003 .-- S. 47-76.
• 21. See: Turovsky R.F. Regional Identity in Modern Russia // Russian Society: Formation of Democratic Values? / R.F. Turovsky. - M .: Gandalf, 1999 .-- S. 102.
• 22. See: I.M. Busygina. Political regionalism / I.M. Busygin. - M .: ROSSPEN, 2006 .-- S. 162-165.
• 23. See: Turovsky R.F. Regional Identity in Modern Russia // Russian Society: Formation of Democratic Values? / R.F. Turovsky. - M .: Gandalf, 1999 .-- S. 130.

Course work

on the subject "Political regional studies"

on the topic: "Regional identity in modern Russia"

Introduction

2 Structural levels of regional identity in modern Russia

Conclusion

Introduction

The need for a theoretical understanding of the phenomenon of regional identity in political science is especially actualized when referring to Russian realities, where one of the consequences of the transformation of the political system at the turn of the 1980s-90s. the regionalization of the political space, accompanied by a sharp increase in regional self-awareness, has become. At the level scientific language this found expression in the emergence of such research topics as “regional identity”, “regional mythology”, “regional ideology” and, in fact, “regional identity” itself. From different sides and from various methodological positions, researchers tried to explain the strengthening of regional identification and its mobilization potential, which, being in the conditions of the weakness of the federal authorities, the regional elite took up arms and began to strengthen their positions by promoting various mythological texts, symbols and ideas into regional communities. ...

Early 2000s marked a new stage in the relationship between the Center and the regions. The new political conditions associated with the reform of federal relations changed the context in which the strengthening of regional identification took place in the 1990s. At the same time, the competition between the regions only intensified, which led to the spread in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation of a political course aimed at finding some exceptional and unique circumstances that would distinguish this region from others, would advantageously present the territory in the external space. The issues of positioning, regional image, assessment and enhancement of the tourism and investment potential of the region, improvement of the positive self-awareness of the regional community from living in this region, the need to change the migration balance in a positive direction receive the status of legally formalized priorities.

Thus, at present in Russia there are various options manifestations of regional uniqueness. Their theoretical understanding and methods of study are of no small importance for understanding the dynamics of regionalization in Russia and the functioning of the region as a complex socio-political system.

The object of the research is regional identity in modern Russia.

The subject of the research is the models of regional identity in modern Russia.

The purpose of the study is to identify the types of regional identity and determine their relationship with the main characteristics of the regions of the Russian Federation.

The main objectives of the study are:

analyze the existing methodological approaches to the study of regional identity and determine the specifics of their possible application to the study of the phenomenon of regional identity in Russia;

determine the criterion for typologizing regional identity in Russian regions;

characterize different types of regional identity of Russian regions;

to determine the ratio of these types to each other and to correlate them with the key characteristics of the regions of the Russian Federation;

analyze possible deviations from the typological scheme by means of a clarifying in-depth analysis of the regional identity model in a particular region.

Chapter I. Political Science Analysis of Regional Identity: Theoretical and Methodological Foundations

1Regional Identity as a Theoretical Problem of Political Science

V social theory analysis of the place, territory has gone from physical or geographic determinism , when the environment is considered as a key factor in the functioning of society, to approaches in which the relationship between a person and a territory is dynamic and interactive, and the place acquires social, psychological and cultural significance. Place plays an essential role in the formation of identity, since this process has both an internal dimension, since it occurs in the consciousness of an individual, and an external one, since it manifests itself in the system of a person's interactions with the outside world.

Between the individual and the place of his localization - residence, work, rest, communication, etc. - there is an extremely important and poorly studied connection. There is no doubt that not only a person has a direct impact on his physical environment through its active transformation, but also the physical environment leaves an imprint on the perception of the world and human behavior. In the majority of theoretical and empirical studies, both domestic and foreign, there is no analysis of the influence of the physical environment on the processes of identity formation. At the same time, in some, very rare cases, the authors, trying to integrate concepts such as space , a place , territory , in the concept of identity, demonstrate the possibility of expanding the classical theory of social identity through the inclusion of various aspects of the concept of place .

Place, territory, space refer to those everyday dimensions of human existence, which are often filled with self-evident meaning, are not problematized or questioned.

At the same time, they are of great importance for a person's existence, ensuring the stability and predictability of his life. Among the many theoretical directions of modern sociology Special attention representatives of the phenomenological school, starting with E. Husserl, M. Heidegger, M. Merleau-Ponty - the great philosophers, founders of this trend - and ending with A. Schütz, who actually created sociological phenomenology, show towards the world of everyday life.

It was phenomenology that gave a special sound to the problem of place, space, territory, as well as home, place of residence and stay of a person. So, the achievements of the phenomenological paradigm may be relevant in the analysis of territorial - local and regional - identities. Despite belonging to a single theoretical school, different phenomenologists have developed different conceptualizations of place and space. Place and home have attracted the attention of phenomenologists due to the central role they play in the subjective experience of a person, his everyday world. In applied theorizing, Schutz reflects on the role of the house in creating a person's natural attitudes, in ordering his life world. This line of reasoning is reflected even in architectural theory, where special emphasis is placed on the existence of a special the spirit of the place, or genius loci.

Place can be defined as a social category, not just physical space. A place is always associated with certain social groups, lifestyle, social status, patterns of behavior and communication. Numerous works by the outstanding Chinese geographer I-Fu Tuan analyzed what people think about place and space and how they feel them, how they form a feeling of attachment to their home, region, city and country as a whole. Tuan pays great attention to figuring out how feelings and emotions about space and place change under the influence of the sense of time. The Thinker proposes to distinguish between the concepts of place and space: place is security, and space is freedom. We are attached to the first and strive for the second.These are the basic components of our life world, which are taken for granted. However, attempts to speculate about them, to think about their inner essence lead to unexpected discoveries.

Space is a more abstract concept than place. What is at first perceived as a space, gradually acquires the features of a place, as a person begins to master it, get to know it better, endow it with a certain value. Places are actually places, not just geographic space, precisely because they have an identity.

Territorial identities are created by a complex of feelings, meanings, experiences, memories and actions that, being individual, are significantly transformed by social structures and manifested in the process of socialization. Space and place are associated with a different sense of time: if the first is associated with movement, then the second - with a pause, stop. The key analytical concept that Tuan uses is experience. It is an all-encompassing term that encompasses all models of cognition and construction of reality.

Tuan refers to his positive emotional ties to a place as topophilia. The differentiation between the sense of place and rootedness is of great methodological significance. The first means being aware of positive feelings for a certain place, and the second is feeling be at home ... These concepts overlap with another that has become more familiar and normative in recent years among researchers of territorial phenomena, namely: attachment to place. It means an affective connection (emotions, feelings, structures, etc.) that an individual feels in different ways, with different strengths, in different forms and with varying degrees of awareness in relation to the places where he was born, lives and acts. Certain communities are associated with certain places, through which places are determined and which, in turn, are determined through their belonging to these places. These territories and associated human associations are characterized by different scales and levels of institutionalization - housing, home (family, relatives, friends), workplace (colleagues), environment (neighbors), city, region, country, etc. All of them play a very significant positive role in defining who we are, in our self-identification, in giving meaning to our life, filling it with values, meaning, goals. However, attachment to certain places can also lead to disastrous consequences, giving rise to enmity, hatred, aggression, as happens in the case of ethnic conflicts.

Another scholar in the field of cultural geography, Briton Doreen Messi examines the concept of place and space from the standpoint of feminist criticism. Opposing attempts to romanticize a place, she is not inclined to see in it something unified, immovable, rooted in a static space. The essential difference between place and space is that space can be viewed as a static, timeless dimension, whereas place is inextricably linked to the passage of time. According to Messi's perspective, the place is constructed not by establishing boundaries, boundaries, but by identifying relationships with the outside. This means that the place has an open, relational and plural nature, which is constantly being tested. The place is an ingrained social practice as a system of social relations. Therefore, a place is a living substance created from an innumerable set of social interactions. Such interactions occur under certain circumstances within the framework of geographically determined patterns. It can be argued that they are created by the place and themselves, in turn, determine the specificity of the place. Thus, the inhabitants of a certain place are in a long-term and culturally and structurally determined contact, which can generate extremely important and lasting consequences. Applying the concept of place, presented by Messi, we come to the mechanisms of formation of local, inherent in a certain place of identities.

Carrying out a predominantly political and economic analysis of the development processes taking place at the regional level, Messi points out the limitations locality policies and the need to reflect on broader, global connections and social relationships associated with local uniqueness and local identity. However, she rejects the idea that new information technologies and the transformation of financial and economic relations in the direction of globalization have radically changed the essence of such concepts as place and House .

This line of reasoning differs significantly from the statements of theorists of the information society, which emphasize social changes caused by the radical transformation of the information and communication sphere.

In modern socio-psychological and sociological literature, there are several theories explaining the phenomenon of identity.

Two, the most famous and well-grounded - both conceptually and empirically - can be used to explain the processes of interaction and mutual influence between personality and place. One of them - the theory of social identity - originated and became widespread mainly among social psychologists, while the other - the theory of identity - finds supporters in the circles of sociologists. Let us briefly dwell on the main provisions of each of them, emphasizing those conceptually important postulates that can serve as starting points for studying the phenomenon of territorial identity.

Let's start with the theory of identity - one of the most influential in contemporary sociology, the rationale for which is associated with classical conceptualizations of symbolic interactionism. The origins of the theory can be found in the works of the American classics Charles Cooley, George Mead and Herbert Bloomer. Modern theorists, followers of interactionism Peter Burke, Ralph Turner, George McCall, Jerry Siemens, Sheldon Stryker and others consider individual identity as a product of the roles that a person performs in society. I AM they interpret it as a heterogeneous and dynamic entity, differentiating as a result of diverse social influences. This theory analyzes the mechanisms of identity formation at the microsocial level, linking it with the processes of interaction, acceptance, individual understanding and fulfillment of social roles, with attitudes towards certain role repertoires.

Identity theory was first formulated by Stryker. Recently, it has received further development and a broader analytical perspective in the writings of his supporters. Within its framework, it is possible to distinguish branches of different meaning, some of which are closer, others are weaker associated with the original symbolic interactionism.

Identity theory remains inviolable to the idea of ​​forming I AM or self in the process social interaction through which people know themselves by observing the reactions of others. The key socio-psychological mechanism for the formation of the self is the acceptance of the role of the other. According to the well-known expression of the forerunner of interactionism, William James, a person has so many separate I am how many social groups there are, whose opinion he values.

In Stryker's theory, variations in identity are associated with a variety of social roles performed by an individual. In fact, it is about the fact that I AM is a set of separate role-based identities, each of which, in turn, corresponds to a role-playing position in society.

In our context, we should recall the classic distinction that Mead puts forward in his work Spirit, Self and Society reflecting on the two inalienable sides of the self - individual, spontaneous I AM (in English original and social, generalized I am (me). According to the very classic of interactionism, I AM there is a reaction of the body to the attitudes of others; I am there is an organized set of attitudes of others, which the individual himself accepts.

That is, it is obvious that within the framework of the theory of identity we are talking about those socially conditioned and reflected by the individual various I am that appear in the form of role identities. The latter are those self-determinations that people ascribe to themselves as a result of realizing their positions in public space, which are also associated with the performance of certain roles. Roles are reflective in nature, since they acquire meaning for the individual in the process of interaction and through interaction. The reactions of others to the individual arise primarily in connection with the performance of a particular role. It is these reactions, according to the supporters of the theory, that form the basis for self-determination.

In this way, roles serve as the foundation upon which the building of identity is erected. At the same time, roles are the bridge that connects individuals with social structure.

Theory of Geographical Identity A special place among the conceptual developments of Western scholars devoted to the relationship of identity with the territory is occupied by the theory of local identity (place identity). Taking into account the incomplete adequacy of the direct Russian translation of the English-language term, I propose to use the concept of geographical identity as an interchangeable one. Term place-identity was introduced into scientific circulation at the end of the 70s of the twentieth century by the American social psychologist Harold Proshansky He defines spatial identity as the incorporation of a place, territory by an individual into a broader concept I AM as a medley of memories, concepts, interpretations, ideas and corresponding feelings in relation to certain physical places and types of places.

Places associated with the formation and development of TI consist of a house, a school, and a microdistrict. That is, the research focus is aimed at studying the immediate environment of the individual, in which the lion's share of interpersonal interactions takes place. This microsocial focus is not accidental, since the author speaks first of all about learning how TI is acquired in the process of socialization. Researchers consider the formation of TI from childhood in parallel and similarly to the formation of individual identity in general. From the very beginning, children learn to separate themselves both from other people and from the environment.

Proshansky considered place as a part of individual identity, as a certain subidentity, by analogy with class or gender. He saw different self-identities associated with certain social roles as part of the integral territorial identity of each individual. The Breakwell Identity Process Theory views place as part of a multitude of diverse categories of identity, as places carry symbols of class, gender, lineage, and other status characteristics. The Breakwell model postulates the presence of four principles of identity: 1) self-esteem (a positive assessment of oneself or one's group), 2) self-efficacy (a person's ability to function effectively in a certain social situation, control the external environment), 3) distinctiveness (a sense of one's own uniqueness in comparison with representatives of other groups or communities), 4) continuity, integrity, continuity (the need for stability in time and space). Thus, this theory assumes that the development of a special theory that would explain the influence of the territory on identity is unnecessary and unnecessary. The followers of the Breakwell theory in recent years have carried out research with the aim of studying the territorial aspects of identity. For example, Speller and colleagues studied changes in spatial organization and how they influenced the identity of residents of a local community in the process of social change.

The problem of spatial identity has received a very wide resonance and spread in various social disciplines - from psychology to architecture. The interest of specialists in different directions has led to the emergence of studies with an unusual, non-trivial focus of analysis, for example, ways of decorating houses and workplaces as a means of communication and self-presentation; home, housing, place of residence as a source of self-categorization, attachment to the place. Norwegian researcher Ashild Heige examines the influence of place on identity in the Gaullist and reciprocal model of interaction between people and their physical environment: people influence places, and places influence how people see themselves.

Territorial identity includes, but is not limited to, attachment to a particular territory. Attachment is only one of the substructures of TI, which cannot be considered as one of the varieties of social identity along with the most influential ones. classic its forms - gender, nationality (race) and class.

TI stands aside against the background of the latter, permeating almost all situations of social interaction, mediating the models of all communications, influencing all samples of self-presentation. In this sense, they are all-encompassing, since they are always invisibly present with us in the process of our involvement in the public space.

Territorial identity is rather one of the possible forms of manifestation of social identity, part of other identification categories. Place cannot be viewed as just one of many social categories. At the same time, the place is not only a context or background against which the formation and actualization of various identities takes place, it is rather an integral, integral part of social identity. For example, different architectural forms can contribute to one or another model of interaction, generate different, sometimes directly opposite social feelings, facilitate interaction or inhibit it, make it more expressive or level social distance, accentuate social inequality or, conversely, equality.

That is, the place can play completely different roles depending on the stimulation of a particular individual and social identity.

Territorial community as an imaginary community Territorial identity can also be viewed within the framework of a conceptual approach rooted in the classic work of the outstanding American scientist Benedict Anderson Imaginary communities [Anderson, 2001]. Although the book is mainly devoted to the analysis of the macrosocial prerequisites for the formation of nationalism during the early modern era, the concept imaginary communities received wide scientific recognition, and it is often used to study forms of social life that are different in meaning, but similar in essence.

Anderson focuses all his attention as a researcher on the nation, defining it as an imaginary political community - and imaginary as genetically limited and sovereign. It is imaginary because representatives of even the smallest nation will never know most of their compatriots, will not meet or even hear anything about them, and yet the image of their involvement will live in everyone's imagination. ... Moving on to more high level generalizations, the researcher emphasizes that any community larger than a primitive settlement with direct contacts between the inhabitants (although it may be) is imaginary. Communities must be distinguished not by their reality or unreality, but by the manner of imagination.

The concept of an imaginary community has become widespread in modern science and is often used in conceptualizations that analyze the processes of structuring society. The construction and disintegration of imaginary communities is interpreted as the key process of the emergence and reproduction of modern and postmodern societies. Imaginary communities are perceived to be based on a community of religion, place of residence (territory), gender, politics, civilization, science. However, the study of many manifestations of imaginary community remains at the initial level.

Considerable attention is paid to territorial identities in the context of building and implementing local development strategies. Acting as an integral part of the socio-cultural space, local identity can be both a stimulating and a constraining factor in economic and social development. Thus, the problem of TI becomes part of a broader analytical context associated with identifying the relationship between culture and economics. In this context, we are talking about regional culture, understood as the values, beliefs and social traditions of the region accepted in a particular regional community. Culture is viewed as an active force of social reproduction, as a process of interaction of various social actors and as a product of discourses in which people manifest their social experience to themselves and to representatives of other communities. Certain regional cultures can stimulate social learning and innovation processes, while others, on the contrary, inhibit.

Consideration of several, the most well-known concepts gives grounds for certain conclusions regarding the relevance of the presented approaches for studying those processes of actualization of territorial, including regional identities, with which we are in contact at the present stage of development of our country.

The conceptual apparatus itself is at the stage of formation and requires further improvement, especially with regard to Russian sociology. The presence of various theoretical approaches allows us to consider the processes of formation and actualization of territorial identities from different angles, creating a multi-aspect and interdisciplinary image of the phenomenon.

2Regional identity: theoretical content and research methodology

The concept of regional identity has an interdisciplinary content and is based on the scientific heritage of a number of sciences. Regional economics "provides" the concept of regional identity with relevant statistics and provides its own specific research methods. (For example, interesting results are obtained by applying V. Kristalller's theory of central places to assessing the radius of influence and attraction of settlements.) Sociology and social geography in the USSR-Russia in the 70s - 90s. formed the concept of a socio-territorial community (STO), which is still relevant today.

Among domestic studies, one of the few studies of "territorial identity" belongs to N.A. Shmatko and Yu.L. Kachanov. Territorial identity is the result of the identification "I am a member of a territorial community." It is assumed that for each individual with a fixed set of images of territories, the identification mechanism is constant. The authors point out that each individual has an image of “I am a member of a territorial community”, which, together with the way of correlating (comparing, evaluating, distinguishing and identifying) the image of “I” and images of territorial communities, forms a mechanism of territorial identification. An important point here is the “scale” or boundaries of the territorial community to which the individual feels a part: it can be a limited territory - a specific place (city, village, region) or much wider spaces - Russia, the CIS, and for some respondents (“ imperials "," sovereigns ") - still the USSR. Much depends on the conditions of socialization and the position (not only social, but also geographic) of a particular individual. " It should be noted that geographers approached the study of identity problems and started from the study of the geographic environment. Geographers, of course, did not see in the characteristics of the territory the only reason for the specific formation of any culture; rather, certain features of the geographic environment were considered as a factor in the territorial differentiation of culture. The theory of the geographic environment and its numerous offshoots have undoubtedly played a positive role in the formation of theoretical concepts of regional identity.

Traditional studies of community were based on the concept of strictly limited territorially, socially and culturally territories. Experts and scholars believed that a "conflict of identities" occurs where two or more groups begin to claim the same historical, cultural, social, political territory. Naturally, the "identity overlay" is most clearly manifested in cases of political claims to controversial geographic areas... The strength of the territorial instinct is multiplied many times over if the territorial community finds itself in a borderline position. In the social sciences, a point of view is gradually emerging, according to which territorial identity is understood as changing and dynamic phenomena, rather than fixed unchanging spaces with clear boundaries.

Domestic science also paid attention to these subjects, associated primarily with the work of D.S. Likhachev and Yu.M. Lotman. Analyzing the nature of geographical descriptions of the country in ancient Russian literature, D.S. Likhachev notes: "Geography is given by the enumeration of countries, rivers, cities, border lands."

So, regional identity is a part of a person's social identity. In the structure of social identification, two main components are usually distinguished - cognitive (knowledge, ideas about the characteristics of one's own group and awareness of oneself as a member) and affective (assessment of the qualities of one's own group, the significance of membership in it). The structure of regional social identification contains the same two main components - knowledge, ideas about the peculiarities of one's own "territorial" group and awareness of oneself as a member of it and an assessment of the qualities of one's own territory, its significance in the global and local coordinate system. What does this mean for the population, united by at least a common place of residence? The answer is obvious - a regional community is emerging. It is necessary to realize one more important aspect of the essence of the region, which determines the specifics of identification. Usually, the "naturalness" of a particular region is proved by similar geographic or cultural parameters that "naturally" separate this region from neighboring territories. It should be noted that the proclamation of a certain set of territories as a "region" is possible only if all or part of the indicated signs are present:

Community of historical destinies, peculiar only to this group of cultural features (material and spiritual),

Geographical unity of the territory,

Some general type of economy,

· Joint work in regional international organizations.

In other words, the concept of territorial ties (TC) is a fundamentally important concept for regional identification. TS - ties that arise on the basis of joint or neighboring residence of members of social groups of various scales and different cultural identification.

Considering the issue of regional identity, one should take into account the fact that identity as a process of social identification, firstly, can be generated by the community itself (internal identity). Secondly, it is possible to raise the question of an auxiliary identity based on the presence of two "reference cultures" or one reference and one auxiliary. Third, territorial identity can be attributed to a community from the outside. All identification options are interconnected and subject to dynamic interaction.

Speaking about the indicators of measuring identity, first of all, it should be noted that we must distinguish between indicators that allow us to measure identity itself, and indicators that allow us to measure economic and social processes leading to the construction of a virtual region. The second group of indicators naturally came to the attention of researchers for a long time and is studied by both economists, geographers and sociologists. In this section, only the actual identification indicators are considered. They are very specific, difficult to define and even more difficult to measure. For example, how and how to measure the process of forming a socio-territorial community? It is clear that all classical economic indicators do not provide the main thing - they do not show the nature of territorial ties.

The presence of stable territorial ties of the population does not mean the obligatory existence of a socio-territorial community, these ties can be broader. Pendulum migration, the radius of distribution of dacha farms in the central city - all this contributes to regional identification. At the same time, the central city is a “fulcrum” for the community. Let's refer to the concept proposed by sociologist Anthony Giddens - "time-space comparison", space-time compression.

Attention should also be paid to some economic characteristics, for example, those associated with the ranking of socio-status dispositions along the center-periphery axis. In this case, of course, the opposition center-periphery is understood not in spatial-geographical terms, but in connection with the proximity or remoteness from the centers. different kinds resources and interactions. Since social status proximity to centers facilitates access to resources and activity opportunities, it contributes to economic development. Social and status displacement to the periphery limits access to resources and opportunities and reinforces a protective (or defensive), conservative, in fact, life attitude associated with maintaining economic and status positions.

Thus, the first task is to diagnose the objective economic and socio-economic situation of the territory, within which the existence of regional identification is assumed. At the same time, within the framework of the first task, not only such basic indicators as GRP and population size turn out to be important, but also special measures, for example, the presence / absence of commuting.

Most importantly, regional identification is a guided process. The interests of the strategic management of territorial development in Russia will inevitably require taking into account all, even insignificant, factors. At the present stage of development, the most significant and "large-scale" macroeconomic methods are used. However, in the long term, in the context of a globalizing world, regional identification becomes a factor that seriously corrects the processes of world development. Regional identity as a phenomenon of social life and the subject of research has a rather complex nature. Probably, the unfolding unification of the economic space (globalization) is accompanied by the differentiation of the political space (regionalization). Russia's new regional self-identification is more likely not a phenomenon, but a process that will drag on for a long time. However, there are sections of Russian territory where re-identification is forced to proceed at a rapid pace. Unique example regional identification - Kaliningrad region. The formation of a sense of regional community in the Kaliningrad region began after the transformation of the region into an exclave. In turn, today the state of the economic climate in the region depends on the political state of the region, the quality of the regional community. Regional identification, in fact, can be both positive and negative in terms of the effectiveness of the economic development of the region. The population's awareness of their own economic and political status is inevitably reflected in the nature of economic development. The status of "capital" becomes a factor in the socio-psychological climate, which in turn affects, say, investment attractiveness. This circumstance is also emphasized by M. Porter: “It is paradoxical that stable competitive advantages in the context of the global economy, they often turn out to be more local…. Geographic, cultural and organizational proximity enables special access, special relationships, better awareness, powerful incentives (nominated by NM), and other productivity and productivity gains that are difficult to achieve from a distance. " In other words, cultural and organizational affinity is an economic resource, a factor of competitive advantage.

Chapter II. The structure and types of regional identity in modern Russia

1 Types of regional identity in modern Russia

The novelty and importance of the regional dimension Russian politics cannot be exaggerated. To a certain extent, Russia has become a true federation, where the classical division of powers into legislative, executive and judicial is supplemented by a spatial aspect, which provides for the granting of a certain political status to territorial units (as opposed to a unitary state). Geography has always played a noticeable role in Russian politics, but now geographical fragmentation has taken on complex forms of regionalism, where the processes of radical decentralization are accompanied by the struggle of the central government, which has lost its imperial status, for a new appropriate place in political system.

Historical development of our Fatherland was inextricably linked with the formation of not only ethnic, but also territorial communities on its vast territory, noticeably distinguished by their individuality, having their own socio-cultural specifics, which can be defined by the concept of "regional identity". As E. Smith notes, territorial or regional identity can be classified, along with gender, as fundamental in the structure of a person's identification matrix! Moreover, such a regional identification was determined for ethnic Russians, rather, not by nationality, but by territorial affiliation, which in their own eyes and those of those around them gave specific social, psychologically and culturally significant features.

The preservation and stability of regional identity in Russia can be explained with the help of M. Hechter's concept of "internal colonialism". The latter understands it as "the existence inherent in this or that culture, the hierarchy of the division of labor, which contributes to the formation of reactive groups" 2therefore, "internal colonialism" is a form of exploitation by the Center of its periphery. Spatially uneven waves of industrialization in the modern era increased the marginality of many peripheral (provincial) territories and ultimately contributed to regional stratification and spatial-territorial hierarchization of society. This factor, according to M. Hechter, contributes to the preservation of ethnic and regional identity in certain territories (sometimes in a latent form), despite all the attempts of the Center to unify cultural values. In addition, as some researchers note, the predominance of local political loyalty over national is characteristic of societies with a fragmented political culture and transit political periods3 .

As a result, Russian federalism is strongly influenced by the political and economic conjuncture, and relations between the central and regional authorities acquire a cyclical form (centralization - decentralization).

The first stage of this kind of relationship - the cycle of institutionalization of the ruling elites - the subjects of the federation (1993-1999) - unfolded in the plane of their distance from the federal government. L. Polishchuk, an employee of the Center for Institutional Reforms at the University of Maryland (USA), believes that “changes in the Russian economy have led to a spatial narrowing of political horizons and the displacement of federal political preferences by the regional authorities in the system of political preferences of the population. enterprise support, price controls and social subsidies, much of these functions have been taken up at the regional level. " During this period, the central government ceased to be the spokesman and embodiment of the common interest. "The functions of a" caring state "lost by the federal center are willingly taken over by regional administrations, which are much closer to people and their needs. The traditional model of meaningful statehood did not collapse along with the Soviet system, it only" went down "and takes root there. This process is accompanied by a significant the growth of local patriotism and the revival of local traditions, both cultural and ... political, "note the researchers of the RNISiNP5 .

The process of confrontation between the authorities of the regional and political and administrative structures of the national level performs several functions. First, it allows one to demonstrate the strength and resource power of the territorial elites, to show that the regional authorities can independently cope with almost all problems. Secondly, this opposition contributes to an increase in the consolidation of the regional elite, due to which conflicts in the regional administration disappear (or acquire a latent form), and the parliament of a constituent entity of the federation becomes "pocketable". Third, the adequacy of the position of regional elites to local political culture makes it possible to present themselves as articulators and defenders of regional interests, which gives them a sense of popular support.

Finally, fourthly, the existence of such "non-national" entities; As “Russian” subjects of the Federation, their lack of constitutional opportunities to eliminate the asymmetry of the federal structure is fraught with serious conflicts and pushed the representatives of the regional elites into mainly demonstrative actions leading to a withdrawal from the constitutional field.

In Russia, the Soviet legacy has given rise to the distinctive features of democratic federalism, of which two are particularly important. The first is the ethnic character of federalism, which is manifested in the fact that the Russian Federation includes subjects of two types: republics formed on the territories of compact residence of the titular nation (or group of nations), and regions formed only on a territorial basis. The second feature is the weakness of the tradition of autonomous regional administration and civic associations in the regions. An attempt to establish a federal system in the context of a weak civil society and ethnic mobilization (carried out by elites, if not by the social movements themselves) leads to a polygon of ethnic differentiation.

By analogy with the formation of civil society, it is assumed that the development of regionalism requires the economic autonomy of regional actors. The regional elite is mainly formed by the heads of former state-owned enterprises, new entrepreneurs who, in most cases, instead of the previous diktat of state planning bodies, received despotic exploitation from the financial and industrial oligarchs, representatives of the agricultural sector, as well as small and medium-sized businesses.

The variety of forms of government is explained by local traditions, the degree of cohesion of local elites and ethnic composition population of a particular region. Does this diversity affect the effectiveness of federal policies?

As noted by Preston King, a characteristic feature of federalism is that the central government, in the forms provided for by the constitution, involves the constituent entities of the Federation in the decision-making process. 7... Although Smith is right when he emphasizes that hallmark the decision-making process at the federal level is a "policy of compromise" 8, a common problem, especially urgent in Russia, is that bargainers have far from equal amounts of resources, and it is this power asymmetry that predetermined the originality of Russian federalism.

Existing system provides the federal government with broad discretionary powers in the allocation of budgetary funds, and the policy of fiscal federalism is the main component of its power prerogatives. The subjects of the federation are forced to "bargain" for their own resources, and the redistribution of these resources is one of the key factors that determine the nature of federal relations. National republics in the process of "bargaining" can use the threat of secession as an argument 9although it is obvious that the possession natural resources equally important for all subjects of the federation.

It was the total inefficiency of the split state power in Russia that created unprecedented opportunities for the deployment of regionalism. Using the preoccupation of the federal structures with internecine fights, their desire to rely on the regions in these fights, the local elites have significantly increased their weight and influence. A considerable field has opened up for the formation "from below" of new types of economic and political interaction, behavioral norms, and non-standard ideological slogans.

Regional differentiation is pushed by existing economic differences: firstly, by the type of "subsidized regions - subsidized regions" and, secondly, by the type of features of the process of economic reproduction:

regions with significant export potential of energy resources (Tyumen region, Tatarstan, Komi, Bashkortostan, Krasnoyarsk Territory, etc.); regions with a fairly diverse resource of other minerals (Republic of Sakha, Sverdlovsk, Kemerovo regions, etc.); regions with the potential to export the most important agricultural products outside their borders (Krasnodar and Stavropol Territories, Belgorod, Kursk, Saratov, Astrakhan Regions, etc.); regions with high-tech potential (cities of Moscow, St. Petersburg, Samara, Novosibirsk, Nizhny Novgorod, Perm, Chelyabinsk, etc.). With the beginning of market reforms, the picture of the division of Russia according to the "North-South" principle (industrially developed and rich in raw materials regions of the North and East and poor agrarian regions of the South) is clearly revealed. This was a consequence of the historically inherited structure of economic development, as well as the increasing trend since the early 90s of the transformation of the raw materials sector into the backbone of the Russian economy. The result of the raw material orientation was the geographic shift of the axis of industrial development to the Far East, to Western and Eastern Siberia, to the north of the European part of Russia. Thus, 11 of the 15 most prosperous Russian territories are located in these regions. Whereas 14 of the 16 most depressed territories are in the North Caucasus (5), in the Central region (6), in the North-West (1), the Volga region (1) and in the Urals (1). Western Siberia, the main center of oil and gas production, now accounts for almost 50% of the input of fixed industrial assets, while in the Central Region, investments mainly go into the non-production sphere10 .

In the context of a systemic crisis, the processes of regional differentiation have led to the fact that interregional contradictions have become significantly aggravated. In particular, one can note the desire to become economically self-sufficient in those provinces that export energy resources, raw materials and foodstuffs.

The socio-cultural gap is growing between the regions, especially between the regions most susceptible to "Western modernization" (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Nizhny Novgorod, the coastal "regions-bridges" to the outside world), and the regions dominated by "Russian traditionalism."

Thus, an uncontrollable systemic crisis in Russia can be described through the processes of developing regionalization of the state and chaotic decentralization of power. Under these conditions, it is hardly worth exaggerating the role and importance of interregional associations (such as the Siberian Agreement, the Big Volga, etc.), especially their cohesion and durability. At the early stage of market reforms, some of them became mechanisms for transferring regional requirements to the Center, replacing the lack of administrative and financial resources with the attraction of political resources: lobbying, etc. "

Regions are looking for alternative forms of interaction, which often only emphasize their desire to get away from the existing macro-regional division. Perhaps, with the exception of the Siberian Agreement, other interregional associations are neither stable nor organized. Therefore, one should not speak of them as strong structures that play an important role in the institutionalization of center-regional conflicts "" 2 .

The above examples allow us to talk about the general process of chaotic decentralization of power and uncontrolled regionalization, which resulted in spontaneous fragmentation of the power space, erosion of power as an integral phenomenon, the emergence of new power subjects, as well as the formation of a new geopolitical reality.

Against the background of these objective trends, any attempts to build up centralism in the management of nation-states can lead to dysfunctional state institutions, the framework for political, economic and social organizations, as well as to ignore their significant public relations and synergistic networks, which are cross-national and regional in their own way. orientation, the formation of market relations leads to an increase in the number of independent business entities, including regions. The regional-urban meso-level of governance in the national system, in which each region and regional association is a prototype for Russia, becomes a key agent of political organization and a form of constellation of economic ties with transnational companies in achieving competitive advantage.

The attitude of the subjects of the federation to the struggle of the federal authorities was largely predetermined by their interests in the federal institutional structure. 14... The Federal Treaty was not recognized as an integral part of the 1993 Constitution, but it retained both the basic principles of decentralization and the delimitation of areas of joint and exclusive competence with all their inherent contradictions. Although the 1993 Constitution does not recognize the republics as "sovereign states", it still approaches different subjects of the federation with different standards, despite the formal proclamation of their equality (part 1 of article 5).

The system of bilateral treaties on the delimitation of the subjects of jurisdiction and powers between the federal government and individual subjects of the federation, of which there were 46 by June 1998, when the process of their conclusion was basically completed, formalized the prevailing asymmetric federation, where the rights of individual regions are established as a result of negotiations, often proceeding from for opportunistic reasons. The provisions of many of these treaties, and especially the various annexes to them, were not published, and as a result of their conclusion, relations within the federation turned out to be even more unstable than before.

The treaties only undermined the basic principles of constitutional equality and political transparency. The situation was aggravated by various agreements delegating additional powers to a specific subject of the federation, for example, control over natural resources. As annexes to bilateral treaties, numerous supplementary agreements have been signed dealing with specific issues. For example, five agreements were concluded with Tatarstan concerning banking, foreign exchange policy, oil refining, property of foreign companies and related issues; 15 such agreements were signed with the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia).

The events of October 1993 and the new Constitution significantly changed the legal and political framework in which the regional authorities functioned. The multilevel vertical structure of the Soviets, which formally possessed full state power, disappeared. The territories and regions received the status of subjects of the Federation, which equated them de jure with the republics. It was supposed to move to the direct election of heads of executive power in the territories and regions and to more consistently implement the principle of functional separation of powers. As for the specific features of the system of separation and interaction of powers at the regional level, the Constitution opened up a wide range of opportunities for the regions. The basic laws of the constituent entities of the federation were supposed to clarify these features. In 1993-1994, the vast majority of them held elections to representative bodies of power, which were to deal with the development and adoption of regional charters and constitutions. In any case, it was for the period from the end of 1993 to 1997 that in most Russian regions there was an intensive change in the institutions that set the formal "rules of the game" in regional policy, formally they were developed by representative bodies, in fact, they developed as a resultant of a complex and contradictory interaction many participants in regional politics, primarily administrations and parliaments. In addition, social and political organizations, scientific and expert advisory structures, regional media, various interest groups, and in some cases directly the population of the region also took part in making institutional decisions. This is how the systems of separation of powers were formed, which were significantly different from each other. However, they can be conditionally divided into two large groups. One of them was characterized by a relatively large amount of parliamentary powers (in particular, in the control of the executive branch), while the other was characterized by a clear predominance of the executive power over the legislative branch.

The relative institutional weakness of the central government contributed to the regionalization of Russian politics, but it was mainly a defensive reaction of the regions, not a desire for political independence. More than half of the Russian subjects of the federation have external borders and need the support of the federal authorities in relations with foreign states. The centralized budget allows Moscow to use the distribution of budgetary funds in the process of "bargaining" with the subjects of the federation. Regional elites rarely act as a united front, and the Center actively uses their disunity to its advantage. In addition, there are significant cultural and psychological factors that legitimize the unifying role of the Center. First of all, it is believed that only the state can guarantee human rights, and this is ensured only in a single legal space. The state thus receives a moral justification as opposed to theories that emphasize the despotism of state power. Meanwhile, in local communities, in this case in the subjects of the federation, there are their own ideas about legality, which are very difficult to reconcile with the average statistical interpretation of morality. Russia has yet to resolve these ethical and political dilemmas, and so far it is far from genuine territorial integration.

2.2 Structural levels of regional identity in modern Russia

In modern Russia, various variants of manifestations of regional identity are being formed. It is difficult to overestimate their theoretical understanding and methods of study in order to understand the dynamics of Russian regionalization and the functioning of the region as a complex socio-economic and socio-political system.

Researchers define the structural components of regional identity in different ways. So, depending on the degree of awareness and politicization of regional features, M. Keating believes that there are three layers in regional identity. The first layer is cognitive, it is associated with the process of realizing the existence of a region, its geographical limits, comparing one’s region with others, as well as finding the key characteristics of a regional identity (for example, through language, cuisine, history, etc.). The second is emotional, it includes the way people perceive their region and the degree of its actualization in comparison with other grounds for identification, for example, class and national. The third is instrumental, at the level of which the region is considered as the basis for mobilization and collective action in pursuit of common goals2 .

H. Hutam and A. Lagendiek also distinguish three levels in regional identity: strategic, cultural and functional. "A region acquires its identity if it differs from other regions in politically formalized strategic plans, has or produces cultural dignity and functional structure." The concepts of Keating and Hutam-Lagendieck are based on the inclusion of two dimensions in the structure of regional identity: objectified expressions of regional uniqueness, for example, the historical and cultural background, on the basis of which the self-consciousness of residents "grows", and mechanisms for actualizing these features through a policy of constructing them.

Thus, in its most general form, regional identity can be considered at two levels: cultural and strategic.

Cultural level (characteristics of regional uniqueness, which can be described by the formula “what the inhabitants of the region think of as something common to everyone”). It combines the features of the regional community, which are formed in the process of interaction within the region, starting from the cultural and historical heritage and ending with the formation of a special regional community, expressed in typical characteristics (mentality). In other words, when we consider regional identity at this level, we must talk about the cultural dimension of this problem, study the narratives, mythologemes, values ​​and symbols that have developed within the region.

The strategic level is a conscious “invention” and the use of regional uniqueness (symbolic politics, “invention of traditions”, the policy of identity of regional elites), as well as the promotion of constructed uniqueness, expressed in the formation of a regional image (policy of forming an image, positioning the territory in the external space, etc.) etc.). Moreover, the purposeful promotion of a positive image can go in two directions: inside the region (to improve the positive perception of the region by its residents) and outside (other regions, the federal center, international actors).

The basis for the construction of regional identity is not only the imagination of the uniqueness of the territory, but also the material lying outside it - the awareness of the attitude to the region and the perception of the region from the outside. Therefore, to the cultural and strategic one should add the external level, or images about the region, formed by “external observers”, and the results of the reflection of the regional community in relation to these images.

Thus, if at the strategic level of the region we are dealing with the image as a goal and tool for managing public sentiments, then on the external cut the image appears as images of the territory.

The formation of the unity of the territory at the cultural level is impossible without the registration of the borders of the region. Moreover, we are talking not so much about the administrative marking of the space, but about their symbolic design. Analyzing the case of the United States, B. Anderson notes that initially the borders between the states were created artificially, and only later acquired a symbolic meaning. 4... The history of almost the entire 19th century. The USA shows how the formation of regional imaginary communities took place. The states created historical societies whose task was to study the history of specific states, to formulate regional interests, to promote territorial achievements.

Thus, boundaries are constructed through the formation of socially significant representations (myths, symbols, etc.). Moreover, the administrative boundaries and the boundaries of the regional community will not necessarily coincide. Situations are possible in which the symbolic legitimation of spatial localization will be based on historical or natural-geographical boundaries (mountains, seas, rivers and lakes), which play the role of regional space markers.

If the borders of the region's territory coincide or touch the state borders of foreign states, the role of the border becomes more significant. The geopolitical status of the border areas is complemented by another important specificity - the ties of local residents with the population of neighboring states.

The cultural level of regional identity is filled with myths and symbols. Myths are usually classified based on their subject matter. There are various myths in the regions: about a “special” regional (national) state; the special historical mission of the province and the special people inhabiting the province; about the initial settlement of the territory and the first settlers who overcome the resistance of the forces of nature and insidious inhabitants; The "golden age" of the province; "Ours" and "strangers"; "Evil genius"; "Cultural heroes"; anti-Moscow myths.

The most common regional myths in Russia are the myths about the cultural hero and the metropolitan and provincial myths. The basis of the myth about the cultural hero is the figure of the so-called "regional native" - ​​a famous fellow countryman, a historical personality who was born in a particular region and subsequently received national or world recognition. A cultural hero can be not only a historical person, but also modern “stars” of regions (singers, actors, etc.) and regional leaders (governors, presidents of republics), who have assumed the role of a force “bringing order”. The formation of the regional myth is based on the provincial inferiority complex experienced by the regional community in relation to the capital.

Regional mythology finds objectified expression in regional symbolism. Depending on the region, natural symbols (river, lake, animal, plant) and various architectural monuments can play their role. Depending on the production specifics of the territory, the symbol of the industrial region can be historical events, personalities, national and cultural heroes; various inanimate objects, elements of folk art and the specifics of regional cuisine; largest production (factory, power plant, etc.), etc.

In addition, at the semantic level, the region acquires an internal “self-name”, which also becomes a local symbol (for example, instead of the Krasnodar Territory, they often say “Kuban”, and instead of the Kirov region, “Vyatka”). Memorable dates for regional communities can also become symbols, especially the birthdays of regions and other symbolically significant historical events.

Thus, at the level of cultural awareness, regional identity is expressed in emotional and value involvement in the regional community and manifests itself in the answer to the question "Who are we?" through one or more discourses of regional uniqueness, describing the exceptional features of the community through mythologemes, symbols. As a result, the cultural level of identification appears in certain characteristics of the regional community.

As soon as the existing features begin to be used for political purposes or deliberately invented, regional identity acquires a strategic level. The fundamental aspect here is to work on ideas about the region inside and outside it.

The desire to stand out from a number of other subjects, to clearly define oneself as a separate element in the country's space, included in more general systems of interaction, leads to the emergence of a political course for constructing a positive prominence for the territory. The identity policy of regional elites usually has two directions: the creation and popularization of local heroes and symbols, the formation of a positive regional image. The goal of such a political course is to change social perceptions of the region, develop a positive sense of self and a sense of pride in the population from living in this regional space. The mechanisms that the regional elite use during its implementation are mainly reduced to myth-making, ritualization of regional life, creation and maintenance of new traditions, marketing of the territory, development of strategies and concepts of regional development.

In most regions, there is a formation of a stable political course aimed at the practical and rational use of regional identity. The regional authorities pay the greatest attention to symbolic positioning, branding of territories, which they consider as a prerequisite for solving pragmatic tasks facing regional communities, ranging from the formation of investment and tourism attractiveness of regions and ending with the improvement of the social climate of territories, which reduces the drain of human capital.

The direction and significance of elite practices in positioning a territory can be described by the term "regional ambitions", which deserves to be introduced into scientific circulation as a separate concept of political practice. In semantic form, it appears as a slogan about marking the status of the region, which is its greatest pride.

In Russian regions, various markers of ambition are clearly visible: the capital, center, stronghold, outpost, etc. The category of "center" appears as a certain strategic point, the concentration of a significant position: geographical ("Center of Asia" - the Republic of Tyva, "Center of Eurasia" - Altai republic, Chita region); social ("Center of Slavic Unity" - Belgorod Region); political ("Center of Russia" - Krasnoyarsk Territory).

Claims for metropolitan status are the most common manifestations of regional ambition. Moreover, they are beginning to be nominated not only by cities that had this status in the history of Russia, but also by territories that legitimize their need for capital status through the appeal to the concepts of “true”, “third”, “economic”, “cultural” and another capital of Russia.

The most attractive and competitive title was the title of "the third capital of Russia", which was claimed by several Russian cities: Nizhny Novgorod, Yekaterinburg, Novosibirsk and Kazan. The situation was resolved by the fact that in early April 2009 the Federal Service for Intellectual Property, Patents and Trademarks (Rospatent) considered the applications of Nizhny Novgorod and Kazan for the right to be called the “third capital of Russia” and decided in favor of the capital of Tatarstan. Thus, the regional ambition turns out to be able to convert into a legally established regional brand.

Identity politics, directed towards the interior of the region and forming images about the region, is associated with rituals. In the regions, there are memorable dates and forms of their conditional reproduction for fixing in the minds of the population.

In addition to ritualization, active work is underway to strengthen the symbols of the regional community in the regional consciousness. The regions have joined the project "7 Wonders of Russia" and are carrying out similar actions on the scale of a constituent entity of the Federation. A variation of such events is the definition of the "symbol of the region", or "name of the region". This is usually timed to coincide with a symbolically important date, for example, the birthday of a city or region. Thus, the Kemerovo region immediately identified “10 symbols of the coal Kuzbass” dedicated to the professional holiday - Miner's Day; The Perm Territory determined the "Name of the Great Perm" for the city's birthday.

The highest manifestation of the strategic level is the expression of the development priorities of the region. The region, as a part of the country, plays a certain role in its development, which is associated with the regional development program. It represents the formalized strategic priorities for the development of the territory and a description of the mechanisms that ensure their achievement: identification according to the principle of "who are we" is supplemented by the questions "Where are we going?", "Which way?"

Each Russian region is a unique “set” of manifestations of regional identity in meaningful expression and discursive practices that constitute the regional self. Meanwhile, an appeal to the experience of Russian regions also shows that in some regions the policy of constructing regional identity is being actively pursued, while somewhere the regional “self” develops spontaneously. This opens up prospects for a typology of regional identity, the defining criterion for the formation of which is the ratio of its structural levels: cultural and strategic.

Conclusion

The statement of the problem of studying the specificity, structure, factors of regional identity is determined by its theoretical relevance in modern science and its importance for the practice of managing multicultural macroregions. In our country, active research of various forms of social identity began in the 90s. XX century, which was caused by the collapse of the USSR, the emergence of new social groups, regional separatism. The formation of macroregions - federal districts - was aimed at overcoming disintegration processes. At the same time, the administrative creation of federal districts still does not solve the problem of their stability. This requires the construction in the minds of the population of the value of their involvement in a specific territorial entity, that is, regional identity.

This problem has not only practical, but also theoretical aspect... In domestic science, there is currently no unambiguous point of view on the content components of regional identity, its differences from the civil and ethnocultural types. There is no answer to the question about the socio-cultural meaning of this type of identity, and, finally, a methodology for the study of regional identity has not been developed.

A fairly large layer of scientific research, which was carried out both at the general theoretical and empirical levels, focuses on the problems of ethnic identity, the formation of tolerance and the values ​​of multiculturalism. Thus, the problem of the relationship between ethnic and civic identities is posed and considered at the level of Russian society as a whole. There are no significant contradictions among scholars studying ethnic and civic types of identity: everyone agrees on the need to maintain the ethnic component (national self-awareness) in public consciousness, to create conditions for the development and legal protection of ethnic cultures; but there is also no doubt that the all-Russian civic identity should become the dominant species.

At the same time, the regions of the country have significant differences, and they are significant precisely for the construction and perception of its cultural and historical integrity. From this point of view, the South of Russia is distinguished by the particular complexity of the multicomponent population in ethnocultural and confessional relations. Numerous modern ethnosocial and ethnopolitical studies of the Caucasus as a whole, its northern and southern parts, emphasize the tension of the situation in this region of the world. The well-known Russian scientist and organizer of science in the South of Russia Yu.A. Zhdanov expressed this situation in a capacious metaphor - "The Caucasus is the solar plexus of Eurasia." Terrible events of recent history (90s of the XX century) in this region - the armed conflict in Vladikavkaz, military actions in Chechnya, Dagestan, terrorist acts in Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, as well as interethnic tension in Stavropol Territory, Karachay-Cherkessia , indicate the need to adapt the mechanism for constructing a general civil identity to the socio-structural and historical and cultural characteristics of the South of Russia.

regional identity modern russia

List of used literature

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Avksentiev, V.A. Confessional Identity in the Conflict Region: Stavropol Region / V.A. Avksentiev, I.O. Babkin, A. Yu. Hotz // Sociology. issled. 2013. - No. 10.

Avksentiev, V.A. Regional conflictology. Concepts and Russian practice / V.A. Avksentiev, G. D. Gritsenko, A.V. Dmitriev. M., 2008.

Avraamova, E.M. Formation of a new Russian identity / E.M. Avraamova // Social Sciences<и современность. 2010. - № 4.

Baranova T. S. Theoretical models of social identification-g-personality / T. S. Baranova. Baranova // Social identification of personality. MP- = 1994.

Bedrik, A.V. Political situation and ethnopolitical myth< творчество в Калмыкии / А.В. Бедрик // Южнороссийское обозрение. Вып. 24. Ростов н/Д, 2011.

Geopolitics: Popular Encyclopedia / Under total. ed. V. Manilova. M., 2002.

Danilova E.N. Civil and ethnic identifications in Russia and Poland / E.N. Danilova // Civil, ethnic and religious identities in modern Russia. - M., 2012.

Danilova, E.N. Changes in the social identifications of Russians / E.N. Danilova // Sociology. magazine. 2000. - No. 3 / 4.133

Dahrendorf, R. Paths from utopia / R. Dahrendorf. M .: Praxis, 2002.

Av.Dugin, A. Fundamentals of Geopolitics. Geopolitical future of Russia / A. Dugin. -M .: Arktogeya, 1997.

Evgeneva, T.V. Archaic mythology in modern political culture / T.V. Evgeniev // Politics. 2012. - No. 1.

Tishkov, V.A. About the phenomenon of ethnicity / V.A. Tishkov // Ethnographic Review. 2012. - No. 3.

Tishkov, V.A. Requiem for Ethnos: Research on Socio-Cultural Anthropology / V.A. Tishkov. M., 2010.

Tishkov V.A. Russian Caucasus. A book for politicians / V.A. Tishkov. -M .: Rosinformagrotech, 2007.

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Andrey Murzin

Regional identity: essence, character, learning experience

ROLE OF THE REGIONAL IDENTITY IN SITUATION MODERN RUSSIA (to the problem statement) 1

The “regionality” of Russia is a permanent factor in its development. It expresses itself primarily in the diversity of its constituent territories. This gave rise to a kind of “double identity” phenomenon in some regions, especially in the east of the country (Ural, Siberia, Far East). A person, feeling himself a citizen of a country (Russian), realizes his connection with local integrity, which for him represents a large whole. The opposite is also possible, he feels his belonging to the local as a constituent element of a single whole. In both cases, this connection is seen as inseparable and interdependent, giving an idea of ​​" double identity».

We can talk about two levels: identity of the first order - regional, and identity of the second order (belonging to a larger community) - all-Russian. In a number of regions with an ethnically relatively homogeneous population, the regional identity may coincide with the ethnic one (two-stage system); in regions where the population is ethnically heterogeneous, regional identity occupies a "higher floor" than ethnic (three-stage system). In any case, the identity that connects the regional and all-Russian levels is present in the consciousness of a modern person.

In the late 90s. XX century in the situation of a crisis of national identity in post-perestroika Russia, a powerful rise in regional self-awareness was noted. However, the “regionality” of modern Russian consciousness (as opposed to what took place in the 19th-20th centuries) in the context of a significant unification of social and cultural standards, the special role of mass communication media relies more on such moments as a sense of common historical destiny, traditions , experiencing the specifics of the position of their region within the country. Regions today embody themselves not only as geographic or socio-economic formations, but also to a large extent as historically formed cultural wholes, which are realized in stable socio-cultural, spiritual and political ties that are firmly rooted in consciousness.

But this transformation of regional identity into a part of the local cultural tradition hides a certain problem: the specific forms of manifestation of this identity can be influenced by attendant factors, including those associated with the political situation. Thus, in the previous decade, the support of regional identity was largely quasi-historical ideas about the pre-revolutionary past of Russia and its regions as a “golden age”.

This gave rise to massive regional myth-making. The problem was that the desire of each individual region to achieve the assertion of its significance in the cultural space of modern Russia (including the revision of its relations with the capital, position among other regions) problematized the entire system of internal Russian relations. The place and role of each of the regions in it turned into a question of the struggle for influence. An expression of this was the so-called. "Parade of sovereignties", a dangerous increase in centrifugal tendencies that threaten the state integrity of Russia. It turned out that regional self-awareness plays only a negative role, although in the history of Russia it has more than once become its most important resource, a pillar of state building, and served as a source of cultural creativity.

The problem was that politicians and researchers considered the issue of regional identity exclusively through the prism of opposition between the capital and the province, seeing in it a kind of constant, a given that does not change over time. Due attention was not paid to the very anatomy of the phenomenon of regional identity, to the fact that it itself is transformed in time under the influence of certain factors, the mechanism of which did not become the subject of analysis.

In this respect, the Urals are of particular interest as one of the Russian regions. The position of the Urals within the Russian space in the twentieth century. best of all expresses the formula "Ural - the stronghold of the state." This gave rise to a special etatism of the consciousness of the Ural people and became one of the distinctive features of identity. Here, regional identity nurtured and cultivated the spirit of patriotism, a special involvement in national affairs (the extreme expression of which can be considered a special politicization of the Ural consciousness).

It is important to note that this situation did not develop by itself (suffice it to recall that at the beginning of the 20th century the Urals were just beginning to be comprehended as part of the cultural space of Russia). The modern image of the region was created as a result of purposeful, state-organized efforts in the 30s. during the period of industrialization, when the Urals were turned into the “second defense base of the country” (not only the transformation of the region's economy, but also large-scale cultural construction, subordinated, among other things, to the task of creating an image of the modern Urals, was of great importance). He was assigned a place within a single Soviet space. And for regional identity, which in a broad sense is understood as the connection felt by the inhabitants of a certain territory with their place of life, the idea of ​​the place and role of the region within the country as a whole is of fundamental importance.

This is precisely what was not given attention in the construction of post-Soviet Russia, in the regional policy of the government of this period. This also led to the frustration of the Ural consciousness, which had lost its former reference points, a feeling of an inner fulcrum. For the region as a whole, this turned into uncertainty in the prospects for long-term development, the need to find oneself in the conditions of modern Russia, and tension in relations with the capital and other subjects of the federation.

At present, by inertia, regional self-awareness continues to be viewed as a potential threat to the country's unity, while it can serve as its reliable support. In the conditions of modern Russia, this dictates the need to form a new attitude towards regional identity. It is at the level of regional consciousness that regional and national interests should be combined in the most natural way. In the historical consciousness of the regions, centripetal principles should be accentuated, which contributed to the consolidation of the country. In essence, this is a question of the need to actively influence the nature of regional identity and the means of this influence as specific forms of implementing regional policy.

Today's exaggerated concern for the image of the capital, its self-presentation in the cultural consciousness to the detriment of supporting the images of Russian regions cannot serve to strengthen statehood in the long term. The task of purposeful organization of the modern Russian cultural space, the creation of conditions for the establishment of mutual dispositions for the renewing Russian regions and capitals, seems to be urgent. However, this task is not only not being solved, but also remains unconscious.

In this regard, a comprehensive, systematic analysis of regional identity, the forms of its expression, the mechanisms of formation, factors influencing it, primarily cultural ones, acquire a fundamental importance for the sociology of the spiritual life of Russian society. This will contribute to the fact that modern sociological studies of the problem of identity will be placed on a solid historical basis, will acquire the necessary contextuality, and will allow the creation of sociological theories that are adequate to the current state of Russian society.

For the sociology of culture, the analysis of the regional identity of the Urals:

- in a theoretical aspect, it allows for a meaningful disclosure of the concept of regional identity;

- provides the necessary factual material for understanding the mechanisms of the formation of this phenomenon and its specific historical features;

- allows to clarify the role of the spiritual component in the existence of regional culture;

- creates a methodological basis for specific sociological research.

According to the author's concept that regional culture is understood as a variant of national culture and at the same time as a specific way of life for people in a certain territory, producing a certain system of values, creating conditions for self-identification of people, the study of the regional identity of the Urals makes it possible to substantively clarify one from the most important philosophical and culturological categories, to reveal its heuristic potential, to discover the connection between the general and the special (the identity of the Russian - the regional identity of the Uralian - ethnic identity), to analyze the state of the identity of the modern Russian, the inhabitant of the region.

1

The article presents a comparative analysis of the traditions of the Russian scientific school in the study of the content of the concept of "identity", "regional (including cultural) identity", characterizes the main methodological approaches, the experience of researchers of Russian regions in the post-Soviet period.

regional (territorial

cultural and other types) identity

uniqueness

actors (regionalizers)

collective sense

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In pre-revolutionary Russia, there were two scientific traditions, which were interpreted in different ways with the content of the concept of "regional identity". So, in the tradition of M.P. Pogodin, S.M. Solovyova, A.D. Gradovsky suggested that the lack of root is a specific Russian feature, the source of which was the homogeneity and monotony of the natural conditions of the Russian Plain and the absence of stone in the construction of massive Orthodox churches and Russian houses (in reality, this is not entirely true - Novgorod, Pskov, and other cities). HELL. Gradovsky supplements them with the socio-political factors associated with the Mongol yoke, the constant migration of service people, the fight against separatism and the centralization of the Russian state.

The tradition of N.I. Kostomarov- L.P. Shchapov, within the framework of which territorial contrasts in culture on the territory of Russia are very significant, and the spirit of freedom, veche and confederation is inherent in the Russian national character. Therefore, the population of the ancient lands annexed by force to Moscow for a very long time did not forget the ancient freemen, which manifested itself in the Time of Troubles, when the situation was saved by the Great Russian regions and cities that preserved their "originality": Nizhny Novgorod, Yaroslavl, Vologda. However, there is also an intermediate third point of view, smoothing out the extremes of the above two traditions. This view allows the existence of rootedness with moderate regional cultural contrasts and without any separatism (as applied to Siberia and Ukraine).

In Soviet times, identity was very often identified with the concepts of "originality", "specificity", "self-awareness", both at the national (ethnic) and regional levels. Identity, including regional identity, has become a kind of “common denominator”, allowing, in a certain sense, to measure globalization and tradition, modernization and tradition.

The concept of "identity" is currently considered the most general and universal concept that describes a set of qualitative and quantitative characteristics associated with the specificity of any given cultural or geographical individual (personality, group, territorial community, territory). Thus, the researcher Z.A. Zhade considers regional identity as a social function of socio-economic development and an element of political control, largely dependent on the impact of culture, interregional disproportions and the level of economic and social development, the degree of peripherality of the region.

At present, quite a lot of works have been written devoted to the study of identity issues. So, in the works of N.V. Petrov, Y. Perfiliev and others, regional identity is considered as regional political symbolism, in the works of Y. G. Chernyshov, K.V. Kiseleva as the image or positioning of the region, respectively. Quite a lot of works are devoted to the construction of regional identity and the analysis of the discursive practices of the agents of construction (media, political, intellectual elites, etc.). Such works are especially popular in the West; they are often carried out on the example of one of the Russian regions. Among the works should be noted the work of such authors as V.G. Bogomyakova (Tyumen region), L.V. Sagitova (Tatarstan), L.M. Drobizheva (national republics), A.D. Trakhtenberg (Ugra), A.M. Karpenko (Kaliningrad region), M.V. Nazukina (Perm Territory).

In the socio-economic, managerial literature, the most often encountered are ideas about regional identity (RI), as a process, as a regional self-identification of the population. The regional identity of local communities and the groups of individuals that make up these communities reflects local geographic specificity in the minds of people. In general, as Professor Fadeeva notes, the appeal to the concept of "identity" as a term in the social sciences appeared in the 1960-1970s. to describe minority groups and their identity contributing. Protest groups tried to justify their rights to be and to be able to organize themselves. Identity politics were designed to publicly legitimize groups with a certain status and their values ​​(racial, ethnic, gender, etc.). Their slogan was and is - “identity and diversity”. Identity politics in this interpretation today shares the fate of multiculturalism and political correctness.

Modern points of view on the personality of a politician includes a set of values, methods and tools for the purposeful formation / construction of identity (national, political, civil and regional). Identity politics depend on the level of power and types of communities. The authorities use symbolic politics, language, traditions, public space of memory to build an identity. It can now be a resource for innovation, modernization, development, or the status quo. Regional identity captures communities belonging to geographic spaces and draws the boundaries of that space.

Regional identity is now the subject of research in philosophy, history, geography, cultural studies, regional political studies, and other humanities. Each discipline has its own conceptual apparatus and methodology, a set of general terms. The most important of these is the intensification of regional identity politics. Regional identity includes several areas such as political, economic, and cultural. That is why a number of scientists from the standpoint of the structural-functional approach to regional identity distinguish 3 elements (or spaces): cognitive, emotional and instrumental (Table 1). The main difference between identity politics in the regions of Europe and Russia lies in the role of regional authorities, the process and model of their interactions with society. In Western Europe, identity politics tend to be a targeted policy of consolidating groups and participants in the political process. In Russia, the role of power is clearly dominant, but not exclusively monopoly.

Table 1

Continuation of table. 1

Barygin I.N.	1. Basing many forms of regionalism on the phenomenon of community ("communitarianism", the verb communify). Closely adjoins the conceptual group and the category “identity” describes the state of the “spirit of the community”. 2. Under the influence of these three different types of discourse, various regional practices are formed, based on "oral history" (remembrances), "symbolic capital" (or "symbolic outlines" - "symbolic shape") and "spatial consciousness" ), which reflect the content of the concept from different sides. 3. Locality and regionality as phenomena are the result of a conscious action - material, social and intellectual. 4. The actors involved in this activity may be called "regionalizers". 5. "Social regional dialects" are generated by social and territorial differentiation of society, the intensity of manifestation of certain forms of social activity	International regional studies: Textbook for universities. - SPb .: Peter, 2009 .-- 384 p.
Kolba A.I.	The development and transmission of the Kuban identity at the present stage is associated with the cultural policy pursued in the region, the main and dominant actor of which is the regional administration.	Cultural policy in the regions and the struggle for identity: Bulletin of the Perm University. - Perm, Perm state. nat. issled. University, 2011 .-- P. 52.
Krylov M.P.	A set of spatially expressed sociocultural relations associated with the concept of "small homeland"	Krylov M.P. Towards the theory of regional identity (based on materials from European Russia) // Identity as a subject of political analysis: Sat. articles on the results of the All-Russian scientific-theoretical conference (IMEMO RAS, October 21-22, 2010). - M .: IMEMO RAN. - S. 213.
Busygina I.M.	Regional identity includes three elements: cognitive, affirmative and instrumental83. First, the inhabitants of the region must have some knowledge about their region, its geographical boundaries, as well as about the neighboring regions. Secondly, any knowledge about your region. Third, it includes certain emotions. The instrumental element of identity is related to the previous two and is used to mobilize the population. Cultural policy affects all elements of regional identity, and constructs the identity of the community of the region	Source: [Busygina I.M. Political regionalism. - M., ROSSPEN. 2006. - S. 162]
Dokuchaev D.S.	The regional identity of a person is clearly manifested at two levels: personal (correlating the “self” of a person with the “genius loci” of the region: intellectual, spiritual, emotional and other phenomena and their material environment) and social (a person's awareness of his belonging to a regional community, ideas about identity and whose integrity is formed within the framework of social interaction)	Source: [Dokuchaev D.S. Regional identity of a Russian person in modern conditions: Author's abstract. ... dis. Cand. Philos. sciences. - Ivanovo: ISU, 2011, pp. nine]

The end of the table. 1

Regional (territorial) identity	Experienced and / or perceived meanings of the system of territorial “communities” (subjective socio-geographical reality), forming a “practical feeling” and / or consciousness of the territorial belonging of an individual. Regional identity is the subject's thoughts and feelings about the region, which form the territorial affiliation of the individual. Regional identity is part of a person's social identity. Components: cognitive ((knowledge, ideas about the characteristics of the group, the significance of membership in it) and affective (assessment of the qualities of one's own group, the significance of membership in it))
Krylov M.P.	The systemic set of sociocultural relations associated with the concept of "small homeland". In this regard, regional identity can be understood as an internal (from the point of view of the local residents themselves) and usually a “non-promoted” image of the territory, including an internal set of images, symbols, myths, as opposed to an external image (from the point of view of a migrant, polit -technologist, tourism organizer, traveler, etc.).
M.V. Nazukina	The development and maintenance of collective meanings, system-forming and regulating group interaction, supporting the symbolic unity of the regional community, form its borders, separate from other communities, acquiring a political essence, when they become significant in the life of the regional community, are used as a symbolic means of legitimizing order within the region	Source: [Nazukina M.V. Regional identity in modern Russia: a typological analysis: Author's abstract. ... dis. Cand. Political Science Perm, 2009. P.5]

The phenomenon of "regional identity" is the object of research of various scientific disciplines in the context of their methodological aspects of philosophical, geographical, political, social, communicative, economic, etc. It should be noted that within the framework of each of the scientific disciplines, a certain methodological experience and scientific and instrumental apparatus for the study of "regional identity" has been accumulated. This testifies to the interdisciplinary nature of this phenomenon, which requires clarification from the point of view of its application to the modernization vector of sustainable development of regions, which imposes its own framework for the "compression" or "expansion" of the spatial structures of the functioning of regional economic systems. According to A. Arkhangelsky, identity should be viewed as a non-renewable resource that cannot be reproduced, it cannot be a product of image-making. Regional identity (self-identification, self-awareness, memory of oneself in history, cultural inertia) "does not work by itself." At present, the Russian experience in the study of regional identity (cultural, social, etc.) is insufficient and requires it to be singled out as one of the priority humanitarian research areas at the state and regional levels, which is especially important for the sustainable development of regions (figure).

Among Russian researchers, in our opinion, the most systemic is the point of view of Doctor of Economics S.S. Galazova, who singled out the structural elements of the regional identity of the economic space, presenting it in two groups: material (natural, geographic, economic, transport, logistic, infrastructural, cultural, etc.) and intangible (political, social, mental, cultural, gender, economic , communicative, etc.) and formulated the content of the main methodological approaches (aspects) to the content of the concept (Table 2).

Hexagon of competitive identity (branding of territories according to Anholt)

table 2

Basic methodological approaches to the concept of "regional identity" *

	Methodological approach (aspect)
	Territorial-geographical	A set of special hetero-territorial, natural, historical, mental, ethnic and other characteristics that make it possible to distinguish it in many other territories. Therefore, the regional identity of the development of economic space within the framework of the territorial-geographical approach acts as a significant factor in the socio-economic development of regions and has a heterogeneous character.
	Administrative-territorial	A set of administrative signs, status, boundaries of a territory or other subject of the federation
	Economic	The set of properties of a localized territory, which is characterized by production, personnel, technological, infrastructural, specialization of the territory as a subsystem of the national economy
	Sociological	Socio-territorial community of collective identity of individuals
	Synthetic	A synthetic phenomenon that can be distinguished by a group of heterogeneous criteria and features (systemic, spatial, competitive, marketing, mental phenomenon, etc.)

* Compiled by.

The variety of interpretations and conceptual boundaries of the regional identity of the economic space of the region testifies not only to the complexity and diversity of this phenomenon, but also to the adequacy of using a different scientific apparatus within each of the approaches. The concept of "regional identity" is actively used in Western literature. The term "identity" (from the English identity identity, adequacy) was introduced into humanitarian research by Z. Freud, who considered the "identity crisis" of a person. Subsequently, studies of the "social identity" of an individual contributed to the study of its collective forms of realization at various levels, in the varieties of social interactions of individuals. As L.V. Smirnyagin, from the standpoint of a sociological approach, the United States uses four methods of studying regional (territorial) identity through: a) common sense in defining the boundaries of a territory, an area; b) analysis of advertising sources to promote the territory to tourists; c) movement of people, goods, information; d) analysis of travel guides, scientific papers, etc. As a result, the content of the concept of "regional identity" is formed in American research practice.

According to M.P. Krylov, after 1991 in Russian science (regional studies, sociology, economics and other sciences) there was a surge in the study and development of regional identity, which was more often associated with frequently used indicators (vodka brands, headlines of articles in local newspapers, etc.) ). These indicators began to reflect a new context, background, environment, but not the phenomenon itself, which is associated with a person's perception of the world, to which these indicators do not apply. After 1991, everything changed - the external social environment, new opportunities for self-expression appeared (primarily in material aspects, although this was also after 1953, 1955, 1965), the economic and political systems, and people remained.

The construction of regional identity is most often based on a special regional history, myths and traditions, such components of culture as literature, music, visual arts, famous artists who lived and live in the territory of the region. Each region creates its own identity, trying, through various symbols, to sculpt a "face" that would distinguish it from others at first glance. At the same time, most regions rely on traditional brands, time-tested and conditioned by the historical, economic, geographical and other characteristics of the territory (Table 3). So, for example, the basis for the formation of the identity of the Tyumen region over the past fifty years has been associated with the production of oil and gas, the importance of which is now often decreasing.

Table 3

Modern regional brands of Russia (fragment)

		Stages of the formation of regional identity	Examples of regional brands
	Tyumen region	a) 1960s - 1970s; b) 1970-1990s; c) 1990 - 2000; d) since the 2000s. Until now	a) "Tyumen is the capital of the oil region"; b) "Tyumen - the first Russian city in Siberia"; c) "Tyumen - the capital of villages"; d) "Tyumen is a pilot region"	Government of the Tyumen region, headed by the governor;
	Tomsk region	a) 1960s - 1990s; b) 1990 - 2008; c) 2009 - 2011 and up to the present two types of brands (personality brands aimed at the development of tourism, representing a district, a city, as the place where a famous writer, sportsman, actor was born, which residents are proud of; brands, based on the rich history of the area, the peoples living in these places)	Vasyugan swamp, Siberian taiga, monuments of wooden architecture of Tomsk, Ob-Yenisei canal, Tomsk Mother of God-Aleksievsky monastery, a monument to a football fan, a monument to house slippers; "Spirits and Souls of the Tym Selkups".	Specialists in geography, internet, advertising and project management, experts and analysts; Government of the Tomsk Region headed by the Governor
	Sverdlovsk region	a) 1960s - 1990s; b) 1990 - 2010; c) from 2011 to the present, type of brands (personality brands aimed at tourism development, brands based on the history of territories, peoples living in these places and museum institutions; event brands)	Regional identity as the activity of state, private and public institutions aimed at defining the goals and priorities of cultural development, forming the institutional, legal and economic base of culture, creating conditions for the participation of the population in cultural life	Government of the Sverdlovsk Region, headed by E. Zelentsova, Governor of the Agency for Creative Industries; the mayor of the city, line ministries, departments, departments; art business, creative industries specialists, analyst experts, business community, non-profit organizations
	Krasnodar region	a) Soviet; b) post-Soviet period	The variety of symbols and representations: "Kuban", "Kuban", associated with the Krasnodar Territory, "familiar to the ear" and affect the self-consciousness of people	Governor's administration, public organizations, the growing role of the Cossacks and youth

The evolution of regional cultural and historical brands is typical for many regions, including the Tyumen region (in Soviet times - from the use of oil and gas fields to emphasizing the provincial essence of a "dirty" city until the end of the 20th century). At the beginning of the XX1 century. due to the growth in the level of well-being of the population, the economy of the Tyumen region, the loyalty of the local population to the regional authorities, as well as social, political stability and participation in several large federal pilot projects (a village for young families “Molodezhny” was built, projects “Kindergartens for children "," Energy Efficient Quarter "), the regional image underwent changes.

The process of creating regional identity is impossible without defining the symbols of the region. The Tomsk Region took part in the project “7 Wonders of Russia”, and after the III Museum Forum “Brands of the Tomsk Land” held in 2011, it began to position museums as one of the key elements in the formation and promotion of an attractive image of the region. In the Sverdlovsk region, in the formation of regional identity, including cultural, the emphasis began to shift from the activities of official subjects (governor, mayor, relevant ministries, departments, administrations) to numerous actors that form various cultural practices in space, as well as art business, representatives creative industries.

According to a number of researchers, in Krasnodar, Kirov, Vologda in the post-Soviet period, regional cultural identity was considered through the prism of economic and social well-being, and now through the education system, sports achievements (Sochi - 2014), as well as taking into account age and other scales of differentiation. Researcher R.F. Turovsky, describing the regional identity of modern Russia, spoke of its first level, i.e. macroregions, as generally recognized and widely known, reflected back in the Soviet economic regions, which had an appropriate cultural and historical meaning. He singled out the Center, North, South, Volga region, Ural, Siberia and the Far East (and, possibly, the Chernozem region) as the macroregions of Russia.

In an effort to systematize the issues of the essence of the concept of "regional identical", including cultural, numerous authors have developed its research schemes (models). Most often, this model included the following main elements (aspects):

1. Actors: Who initiates public discussion: officials (governor, mayor, ministers), politicians (pro-government, opposition leaders of parties), public activists (supporters of the government or opposition), journalists, professionals (writers, artists, experts, etc.) ... Who is involved in the struggle for identity? Own or someone else's subjects.

2. Meanings: What meanings and feelings in understanding regional identity are hidden behind the actors' opinions? How are these meanings related and how do they differ? How do these meanings relate to the “old” image of the region? (traditional to innovative; government to opposition)?

3. Motives and motivation: From value to instrumental, taking into account the current hierarchy of motives.

4. Arena or communication system: where the views of actors and actors are presented (in the media, at public, public discussions; through old or new channels (institutions) of communication, etc. Effective or not?

5. Models of interactions: Do actors and actors interact with each other, coordinate their actions, influence the views of each other, do they reach a compromise or are they in confrontation?

6. Tools of self-identification ("transformation"): Are historical narratives, public memory, symbols, art (including street art, contemporary art), monuments, urban landscape, etc. are used. Modern images of regions are reproduced through the media, displacing traditional ways of communication and formation (according to E.V. Golovneva, a village gathering, gatherings, etc.); functional-role communication methods (in the urban environment through the social roles played by the participants),

Consideration of the region in terms of social constructivism raises the following question: to what extent can regions be real and authentic in the modern global world? What exactly is behind the geographic, spatial images? How can regions assert themselves, given that in modern culture they can appear and disappear at the behest of image makers, writers, rulers and scientists and other actors?

In conclusion, one should agree with the conclusions of S.S. Galazova is that the content of the concept of "region" must take into account the multiplicity and variability of conceptual criteria and images of regional identity (from the typology of economic space; to fixing the diversity of material and non-material aspects of spatial distribution and development of regional resources). It is this diversity that presupposes the use of interdisciplinary scientific tools. Currently, the most important factors in the formation of the content of this concept are to take into account various aspects of regional identity that affect the competitiveness of regional entities. This requires further methodological, historical, cultural, economic, developments in this area of ​​research.

Bibliographic reference

Levochkina N.A. REGIONAL IDENTITY: CONCEPT AND ESSENCE // International Journal of Applied and Fundamental Research. - 2016. - No. 1-3. - S. 446-453;
URL: https://applied-research.ru/ru/article/view?id=8533 (date accessed: 03/30/2019). We bring to your attention the journals published by the "Academy of Natural Sciences" Nasyrov Ildar Rustambekovich 2008

UDC 323.174

I. R. Nasyrov

REGIONAL IDENTITY AND INTERNATIONAL REGIONAL COOPERATION

The article deals with the problems of the formation in the context of globalization of the identity of the regions of federal and unitary states, which include national-territorial autonomies. The relationship between regional ethnocultural factors and the complex of international relations of regions is analyzed, taking into account the dominant role of the state.

Introduction

In modern conditions of globalization, increasing interstate integration, an increasing number of factors of stable development are acquiring an international character. Among them are trade, industrial production and cooperation, environmental protection, social and living conditions of the population, labor relations, health care, education, culture and many other issues referred to the competence of the regions of federal and unitary states, which include territorial units with autonomous status or national-territorial units.

At the same time, there is a fragmentation of international relations. Traditionally understood as relations between sovereign states, they are becoming more and more complex and multi-level.

Regions are included in international economic cooperation, unite in interregional associations, relying on the principle of subsidiarity, support a variety of their own interests, including not only economic, but also often ethnocultural, which go beyond one state.

The formation and promotion of regional identity have become an integral part of the complex of international and foreign economic regional ties. Against the background of the interpenetration of various directions of international relations, culture is an important component of socio-political relations.

1. Globalization and ethnic nationalism

The processes of globalization and international integration taking place in recent decades have contributed to the revival of the national identity of many peoples. This also affected the ethnic regions that are part of the multinational states, which led to an increase in the tendencies of decentralization and separatism in regional politics.

The strengthening of the positions of nationalism, ethnicism, the desire for political autonomy, considered as a reverse reaction to globalization, are largely determined by its consequences, among which political, economic and socio-cultural ones can be distinguished.

The stability and integrity of a multi-component state rests on the commonality of domestic interests in the field of security, economic development and welfare, worldview and culture, but it is globalization that brings new challenges to this intrastate community.

The redistribution of individual powers of states with the strengthening of the role of supranational structures, the formation of a more dispersed political international space, an increase in the role of transnational security systems represent the political component of the basis of the aspirations of ethnic communities for self-identification and independence. The comprehensive nature of globalization leads to political fragmentation also due to the fact that international processes affect the most important interests at the regional and local levels. It should also be noted here that there are no major interstate military-political conflicts that previously led to the centralization of institutions of power and national consolidation. In addition, as experience shows, international peacekeeping operations to resolve conflicts can lead to a violation of stability in the country, exacerbation of internal political confrontation due to the activation of opposition forces in the context of a weakening of the authority of the authorities. The consistent implementation of ethnic separatism with external support may eventually even lead to the dismemberment of the state. Most of these examples are provided by the recent history of Eastern Europe.

The contradiction between the principle of equality and self-determination of peoples (especially in the case of its absolutization) with the principle of preserving territorial integrity as one of the most important and generally recognized priorities of state policy is the driving force behind the ongoing conflicts.

The economic foundations of intrastate decentralization include: involvement in the international distribution of labor, integration into world commodity markets, technological progress and unification of production standards, increasing labor productivity and living standards.

Mass migration in the context of opening borders and globalization, changing the structure of the labor force due to the reduction of people employed directly in production or agriculture, the transition to an information society and at the same time the enduring importance of ethnic cultural and worldview values ​​contribute to the formation of a social and cultural component of the consequences of globalization, which, among other things, it provides new opportunities for self-realization for small peoples and other actors of international relations with initially limited resources.

Due to the widespread use in the second third of the XX century. the policy of cultural tolerance in economically developed democratic countries on the wave of migration processes formed "parallel societies" - ethnic and cultural-religious communities of immigrants living by their own laws, speaking their own language, fenced off from the history, culture and values ​​of those countries that became their second homeland.

With the transition from the industrial era to the information economy, the knowledge economy and the permanent scientific and technological revolution due to the automation of industrial production, the share of the mass labor force has decreased as an essential factor in the "melting pot" of peoples. The policy of the “rainbow coalition” was replaced by the policy of “bright mosaic”, characterized by the formation of national communities,

but turning into parallel communities. Similar processes took place in the United States and in the developed countries of Western Europe, which became multiethnic societies as a result of large-scale migration. The problems of ethnic, cultural, linguistic minorities acquire relevance for countries that were formed as states of one nation, such as Germany or France. Immigrant phobia in Western Europe, manifested as a defensive reaction against their own civilizational and cultural values, creates a new basis for social conflicts.

This allows us to talk about the processes of "reverse globalization", manifested in the growing ethno-racial heterogeneity and multiculturalism against the background of the post-industrial nature of society in economically developed countries.

Evaluating the socio-cultural picture of the world, one can, on the one hand, admit that intercivilizational boundaries are blurring: in the West there is a lot of the East, and in the East - the West. Socio-economic realities also contribute to this, for example, education and technology are received in the West, production is organized in the East, and sales of products are organized around the world. At the same time, anti-globalization movements are causing threats of loss of national identity as a result of comprehensive integration; now the "return to Asia" of Japan, the "re-industrialization" of India, "re-Islamization" and "de-Westernization" of the Middle East are being discussed.

The crisis in the theory and practice of a multicultural society has led to a correction of the concept of cultural integration, which now recognizes tolerance only in a rigid legal framework.

A democratic state, guided by the principles of equality, pluralism in ethnocultural, ideological, religious spheres, cannot form a state ideology or support one religion. The rule of law, by its definition, must guarantee equal rights to all citizens, regardless of their social status, nationality or religion. The modern formula of “unity in diversity” is based on a socio-cultural consensus that ensures the combination of ethnocultural diversity with tolerance and mutual respect for representatives of various ethnic groups and religions. Obviously, a similar approach applies to regional authorities, designed to support the diverse interests of social groups represented in the region. The balance of state regional and ethnic policy is one of the most important conditions for stable socio-economic development.

2. Ethnocultural component of international cooperation of regions

Modern realities are characterized by a significant actualization of the problems of regional identity against the background of global integration processes that permeate all spheres of life. Spiritual closeness and the presence of ethnic diasporas who have settled outside their historical homeland have a significant impact on international relations, including their economic component. Common interests in cultural, linguistic or religious spheres are the basis for the international integration of regions in the humanitarian and social fields.

The issues of international humanitarian and cultural cooperation are of particular importance for regions of compact residence of nationalities and ethnic groups, such as the republics of the Russian Federation, the Canadian province of Quebec or the regions of Wallonia and Flanders in Belgium, which have their own linguistic and cultural environment. Additional incentives for the development of international relations and the search for international support in the development of their identity are provided by ethnic communities that do not have a demographic majority in the country as a whole or do not belong to the titular nations of the state and, as a result, do not have adequate representation in the state authorities.

The international activities of the regions in such cases are also aimed at protecting and recognizing their rights as a separate community, the powers of self-government, especially in matters of education, language and culture, taking into account the specific ethnocultural interests of the region in national and international affairs. Strengthening ties with ethnically close communities in other countries is becoming for many peoples an integral component of the revival, legitimization of the right to "cultural self-determination" within their country, with the support of the international community.

The authorities at the regional and national levels are required to have verified approaches to the coordination of cooperation in such a complex and delicate area. In his report at the meeting of the Committee on Culture and Education of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe on March 29, 2007 F. Mukhametshin noted: “Regional cultural identity is a sense of belonging to a community based on a common place of residence, language, traditions, cultural habits, origin , religious or ethnic affinity. Covering the basic elements of personal self-identification, regional cultural identity is a powerful resource for motivating social and political action. Referring to it, it is possible to mobilize the community both for creativity and work, and at the same time for extremist actions. That is why it is important to always track this resource and direct it in the right direction ”.

The concentration of an ethnic community within one region within the state is an additional territorial basis and a significant motivation for the institutionalization of its rights to self-government and expression of its interests both in its own country and in the international arena.

Regions formed on a territorial and ethnic basis show special concern for the preservation and development of the language of the titular nation. Flanders, in particular, attaches great importance to relations with countries such as the Netherlands, Suriname, South Africa, i.e. with countries with which Flanders has cultural similarities. Flanders established especially close ties with Holland. Long-term cooperation with the Netherlands is based on linguistic community, expansion of traditional ties in culture, education, economics, science, technology, implementation of joint programs to protect the environment and strengthen infrastructural ties.

It is important for the Canadian province of Quebec to forge closer ties with France and other countries of the francophone community, which share history, cultural affinity and shared economic interests with Quebec.

teresa. In turn, regions using the German language have common cross-border interests in Europe. Where a linguistic or cultural community does not coincide with the borders of states - in the Basque Country, Catalonia or Tyrol, there are incentives to search for a new form of community.

As part of the cooperation between Quebec and France, new forms of "diagonal" cooperation between the state and the region are being developed. Formulating the concept of identity of Canadian Quebec, regional authorities highlight such principles as the rule of law, the status of the French language as an official language, equality of women, denial of violence, separation of church from state, respect for diversity, balanced labor relations, economic development without harming the environment. They are also embodied in the pursuit of a social consensus that sustains a centralized health care system, ensures access to higher education and shows solidarity for those most in need. Of course, the unique characteristics of Quebec include precisely the use of the French language, which has a significant impact on the social organization and the formation of institutions characteristic of Quebec. This is especially true in the field of education, culture, the administration of justice (in Quebec, civil legislation is based on the French law system, in contrast to the rest of the provinces of Canada using English case law), means of communication and management. It is this whole complex of characteristics that determines the identity of Quebec, which it defends in the international arena, striving to ensure that decisions made at the interstate level do not limit the ability of the people of Quebec to live and prosper without violating their chosen way of life.

Galicia can be cited as another example of the region's cultural ties and common interests with the ethnic diaspora, scattered across different continents by the will of historical destinies, as an important factor in determining the priority directions for the development of external relations. This Spanish autonomy, as a result of the massive migration of Galicians to Latin America, the United States and Europe, has become a center of ethnocultural identity and cultural attraction for hundreds of thousands of compatriots living abroad.

Another autonomy of Spain - the Basque Country - has almost 200 ethnic communities in 22 countries of the world. In May 1994, the Parliament of the Basque Country passed a law regulating relations with Basque communities outside the Basque Country. The law, in particular, provides for the registration of Basque communities, which is necessary for planning financial support, the allocation of grants for educational and other projects of the Basque communities. According to the law, about 170 registered compatriot communities have the following rights:

1. Access to unclassified information of public authorities on social, cultural and economic issues.

2. Participation in social, cultural and economic projects organized by the Basque Country for compatriots abroad.

3. Equal rights with public organizations in the Basque Country.

4. An appeal to the Basque Country with a request to participate in events to support the Basque culture, held directly by the community of compatriots.

5. Participation in programs, activities of representations and the work of delegations of the Basque Country in the host country of the community.

6. Obtaining clarifications on issues of social, economic, labor policy of the Basque Country.

7. Obtaining materials intended for the dissemination of knowledge about the history, culture, language and social life of the Basques.

8. Interaction and support from radio, television and print media of the Autonomous Community.

9. Applying to the Council on Diaspora Issues of the Government of the Basque Country, as well as participation in the annual congress of Basque Communities.

10. Education in language courses.

Thus, the range of relations with representatives of the diaspora covers a wide range of issues. Suffice it to say that the trade missions of the Basque Country in Mexico, Venezuela, Argentina and the United States were opened with the support of the Basque diaspora of the respective countries. Representatives of the foreign diaspora also participate in regional elections, although they constitute less than one percent of the total number of voters.

Scotland is more focused in dealing with compatriots and primarily seeks to attract the attention of 5.4 million Scottish Americans. In this case, additional factors are imposed associated with the residence of their compatriots not just in another state, but also in the richest country in the world.

Among the subjects of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Tatarstan can be noted, which is actively involved in uniting the Tatar diaspora, preserving the cultural traditions of Tatar communities both in the CIS countries and in the USA, Finland, Australia and other foreign countries.

To understand the regional identity of Tatarstan, it is necessary to take into account the totality of objective historical factors, since the thousand-year history of the Tatars' ancestors in the center of the Russian state naturally formed the traditions of a tolerant attitude towards various cultures and religions. The problem of territorial separatism does not arise here; at the same time, the principles of federalism are actively supported. In the identity of the inhabitants of Tatarstan, a fusion of Eurasian culture is manifested, it was in this environment that the concepts of Jadidism and "Euro-Islam" arose.

Other subjects of the Federation also participate in international actions to preserve the cultural traditions of the peoples of the Russian Federation, for example, the regions of residence of the Finno-Ugric peoples or the subjects of the Russian Federation that are part of the Greater Altai.

The mutual interest of Germany and Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tomsk regions, Altai Territory is associated with the fact that a significant proportion of the population of German nationality lives in the territories of these regions of the Russian Federation. In addition, at the end of the XX century. the migration inflow of Germans from the CIS countries increased to these subjects of the Russian Federation. The choice of Tomsk to host the meeting of Russian President Vladimir Putin and German Chancellor Angela Merkel in April 2006, along with the historically established business, scientific and educational contacts of Tomsk with Germany, was also facilitated by the presence of German roots in many prominent Tomsk residents, including the regional governor Viktor Kress.

At the same time, it should be emphasized that for many regions of the Russian Federation, interaction with Russian-speaking compatriots in foreign countries also belongs to the priorities of external relations. As an example, we can cite the efforts of Moscow, St. Petersburg and the Pskov region to support compatriots in the Baltic countries. Possessing a powerful economic potential, Moscow, as a constituent entity of the Federation, provides assistance to Russian-speaking compatriots in other CIS countries, in particular in Ukraine.

Religious factors also influence the formation of a complex of external relations of individual regions, because spiritual kinship, common faith and values, cultural foundations facilitate mutual understanding and subsequent economic and cultural integration.

In the context of constructive interaction with the federal center, ethnic or religious differences of individual regions can be effectively used to implement the foreign policy interests of the state. For example, when positioning Russia as a Eurasian state, developing relations with the Arab East and the Islamic world, the presence of national republics with a Muslim population in the Russian Federation is used by the state leadership to motivate and substantiate modern directions of foreign policy. In his speech at the summit of the member states of the Islamic Conference in October 2003, Russian President Vladimir Putin said: “Historically millions of Muslims live in our country, and they consider Russia their Motherland ... Muslims are a full, full-blooded and integral part of the people of Russia ... We see in such interreligious harmony the strength of the country, we see its heritage, wealth and advantage ”.

Based on a fundamental analysis of regional identity as a component of Russia's geopolitical identity, Zuriet Jade concludes that ethnic and regional identity is the dominant feature of the processes of constructing geopolitical identity in modern Russia.

Recognizing that it is the support of language development that underlies ethnocultural identity, we note that in recent decades this trend has become more and more widespread in the world. According to the Ministry of International Relations of Quebec, 287 regions and territorial authorities from 180 countries have proclaimed a policy of supporting one or more ethnic languages, entrusting themselves with another task of achieving a balance between ethnocultural identity and the openness of modern society.

The inclusion of regions in the processes of international integration causes increased attention from the point of view of building domestic relations, since in this area national interests are affected, and it is traditionally considered in the context of issues of ensuring security, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state.

Conclusion

World experience shows that ethno-confessional differences in society do not disappear. Forced unification of public values

even against the background of increasing economic integration and expanding global interdependence, it leads to a breakdown in stability, a weakening of political power, and a loss of reliance on historically established institutions. The aggravation of the problem of interfaith and intercivilizational relations draws attention to the contribution of regions to their development, the formation and implementation of ethnocultural policies in a multinational federal state or a unitary state that has national-territorial autonomies in its composition.

Characterizing the importance of regional identity in domestic and foreign policy, it should be classified as one of the factors holding back global integration, along with "continental" interstate integration.

The realization of ethnocultural regional identity does not necessarily have to serve as a harbinger of secession, a threat to state sovereignty. In a democratic state governed by the rule of law, regional autonomy in cultural, educational and social issues, consistent with national interests and international principles, is quite enough for the preservation and development of cultural diversity. At the same time, the role of the state remains as the main full-fledged actor in international relations, determining the limits and conditions of international cooperation between regions.

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