The topic of participation of the Circassians in the suppression of the anti-Turkish April uprising of 1876 in Bulgaria remains, unfortunately, little studied. However, before moving on to elucidating this issue, it should be said what the uprising of 1876 was in the history of the Bulgarians.
The April Uprising is a pivotal event in the history of the Bulgarian people, whose history is divided into "before" and "after" the uprising. This uprising was of a national liberation nature, and ultimately led to the gradual fall of the 500-year-old Ottoman rule over the Bulgarians. Bulgarian writers dedicated their works to this event both immediately after it and for many years after its completion.
The leaders of the April Uprising are the national heroes of Bulgaria (Vasil Levski, Georgi Benkovski, Hristo Botev and others). In Bulgarian history they are known as the "Apostles of Freedom". Many books are devoted to them, hundreds of streets and even mountain peaks are named after them (Mount Botev is the highest peak in the Balkans). Everything connected with the April Uprising is sacred for every Bulgarian.
Not only its ordinary participants wrote about the uprising, but also the “apostles of freedom” themselves. These books are available in almost every Bulgarian family. The literary heritage of Hristo Botev is especially numerous. He wrote not only about the general situation of the Bulgarians during the uprising, but also poetry and prose, and also touched upon particulars, for example, the participation of the Circassians in the suppression of the national liberation movement of the Bulgarian people in the 19th century.
“One of the greatest misfortunes that struck our people, which is killing them both economically and politically, is the Circassians, who in the past few years have flooded ... our fatherland ... The predatory Turkish government accepted the predatory sons of the Caucasus, and gave them such freedom, which they did not have even at the time of their independence in Asia,” writes H. Botev in the article “Circassians in Turkey” (1).
According to Bulgarian sources, the number of Circassians who moved to Bulgaria after the Crimean War of 1863-1856 reached two hundred thousand. The Turks used the Circassians as auxiliary units to suppress the performances of the Bulgarians, in return giving them almost complete freedom of action against the local population.
Kh. Botev portrays the Circassians as exceptionally cruel and arrogant warriors (“... can there be anything more humiliating, barbaric and inhuman than a mockery of human labor and life that a Bulgarian suffers from ... the resettlement of these greedy thieves and bloodsuckers?”), putting into their mouths the following words addressed to the Bulgarian: "... theft, robbery and murder will increase your torment... and you will never cease to be a slave..."
The epithets that H. Botev endows the Circassians are extremely emotionally colored, because he was either a direct participant in the relevant skirmishes, or received first-hand information about them (“Caucasian animals”, “murderers” with an “Asiatic contemptuous grin of a tyrant”). He throws a reproach to the European human rights activists of that era: “And these are all reforms in the eyes of Europe!”, implying the favorable attitude of Europeans towards the Turks, despite the cruelties perpetrated by those in Bulgaria. As is known, in the 19th century, during the era of Tanzimat, the Ottoman Empire undertook social reforms, including in Bulgaria, facilitating, to some extent, the life of the conquered peoples. The Europeans, for geopolitical reasons, supporting Constantinople in its confrontation with Russia, presented the Ottoman Empire as a civilized state that allegedly embarked on the path of reforms, and therefore the sorrows of the Bulgarians remained unheeded.
In his article, H. Botev cites excerpts from a “report from Oryakhovo”:
"Circassians! Oh, my God, how bitter! Already in the daytime, a person does not dare to go far ... These villains dishonor brides and women, kill the innocence of young girls ... ”Further, H. Botev gives a list of settlements subjected to Circassian raids - Tyrnovsko, Buruvin, Madan, Sokolare.
In Bukevice, a young Circassian woman was slashed with knives for resisting an attempt to rape her. In Lipnitsa, near Oryakhovo, while trying to kidnap a girl, she wounded one of the Circassians with a hoe. Furious raiders dishonored the grinder and cut off her braids as a sign of contempt, attacking the girls with knives and guns who were nearby fellow villagers.
In Kremen, Circassians killed 5 people, robbed 3 houses. In Mryamoren, a young girl was raped and shaved bald. In Rashkovo, 3 merchants were killed. In Peshten, 1 person was killed. In total, 30 people were killed by Circassians in the vicinity of Oryakhovo in 2 months. (one).
In the article "Fight between the Circassians and the Bulgarians" H. Botev writes that with the advent of the Circassians in Bulgaria "there is no number of robberies and murders" (2). In with. Koinare Circassians attacked the Pomaks and Bulgarians. In response, the Bulgarians and Pomaks started a shootout with the Circassians. The battle lasted until the very evening, and was so tense that the Turkish administration was forced to send gendarmes to restore order. The gendarmes arrested several Circassians to bring them to Ruschuk for trial, but released the detainees along the way (2).
H. Botev did not live to see the liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman yoke. He was killed from an ambush, and there are three versions of his murder: Botev fell from a Turkish bullet; Botev fell at the hands of his own; Botev was killed by Circassians. The latest version was voiced by the "boteved" scientist, prof. Yono Mitev, author of the book “Who Killed Botev?”: “... the great Botev was killed from an ambush by the Circassian leaders Dzhumbulet and Mustafeto. It is not known who fired the fatal shot ... They were armed with American (sic! - ed.) Winchester guns, which hit to death from a distance of 1200 m! We note, just in case, that later Mustafeto wore Botev's jacket" (3).
Y. Mitev claims that Dzhumbulat and Mustafeto cut off the already dead Botev's head, and "the next day they put it on the square in Vratsa" (3).
Zakhary Stoyanov, an active participant in the April Uprising, left a rich literary heritage, incl. the famous "Notes on the Bulgarian uprisings", where some stories are devoted to the Circassian theme. In the documentary story "The Uprising in Perushtitsa", Z. Stoyanov notes that one of the rebel leaders, Georgi Benkovski, had high hopes for the village of Perushtitsa, located near Plovdiv. The village was purely Bulgarian, its inhabitants were distinguished by an active patriotic position, for which the Turkish authorities brought down unprecedented repressions on the inhabitants, up to mass executions, in which the Circassians also participated: “The picture was the most heartbreaking. There, a white-bearded old man fell at the feet of a predatory bashi-bazook, begging for mercy... a young mother threw herself on a bloodied knife to leave her dear child alive, but the inhuman turban, under which a human image was visible, chopped both mothers and children... "(4)
Further, Z. Stoyanov describes how the children grabbed the blades of scimitars, and the cut off fingers fell to the ground, how the mother raised her hands to heaven in desperate prayer, but both hands were cut off. The bashi-bazouks set fire to the village, and the surviving Bulgarians were threatened with death, if not from a bullet and scimitar, then from fire. The locals took up arms, and the Turks and the Circassians were forced to retreat in order to camp near the outskirts of Perushtitsa. Fearing to storm the village again, the commander of the Turkish detachment reported to Plovdiv that large forces of Russians and Serbs had settled in Perushtitsa, and requested reinforcements. Reinforcements arrived and a fierce battle broke out.
The Bulgarians sought salvation in the courtyard of the Church of St. Atanas, but the Circassian arrows, climbing the trees, shot them there too. In desperation, the Perushta people sent an old woman as a truce to the Ottomans, but they killed her. Then three more parliamentarians were killed. Z. Stoyanov gives their names (Mitya Popov, Rangel Kharchiev, Stamen Karmov), indicating that they, already dead, were flogged with scimitars.
From the church of St. Atanas, the villagers rushed to the church of St. Archangel, but she was also an unreliable shelter. In the smoke and burning inside the surrounded church, women and children died of suffocation. The author compares this church with a tomb, and gives a description of a collective suicide, when the Bulgarians first shot their wives and children to save them from suffering, and then committed suicide. The Turks, entering the church, immediately began to scour the pockets of the dead. One of the women lying on the floor raised her head, but a Circassian jumped up and cut off her head with a saber.
The epithets with which Z. Stoyanov rewards the Circassians and Turks are equal in emotional load to the words of H. Botev - "humanoid animals", and cites the number of victims in Perushtitsa - 248 people.
In the article "Suppression of the uprising" Z. Stoyanov describes the suppression of the performance of the Bulgarians in Panagyurishte (5). Circassians and bashi-bazouks set fire to the village from four sides, and the escaping residents were cut with sabers. Like Kh. Botev, Z. Stoyanov reproaches “lovers of human rights” (England and France) for indifference to the Bulgarian sufferings and writes that “the Panagyurians gave the April uprising 600-650 martyrs, but not men who fell in battles, but those killed in unarmed women and children in their homes… The Panagyurians have immortalized their city!”
G. Benkovsky sent a detachment of rebellious Bulgarians to help the Panagyurians, but they arrived too late. As a direct participant in the events, Z. Stoyanov shares his impressions: “I saw with my own eyes how a three-year-old child was dying of hunger ... near his wounded mother!” (5). It is not necessary to suspect the author of Russophilism, and therefore, in a prejudiced attitude towards the Circassians, because Z. Stoyanov was a representative of the anti-Russian wing among the rebels.
The history of the participation of the Circassians in the suppression of the April uprising was covered by Bulgarian authors later. In the 1940s, the book of the first Bulgarian sociologist and philosopher Ivan Khadzhisky, The Moral Map of Bulgaria, was published. Having traveled almost the whole country, I. Hadzhisky draws up a sociological map of Bulgaria, describes the morals and folk psychology of the Bulgarians. Referring to the stories of his respondents about the Circassians and the April Uprising, I. Khadzhisky points out that “this robber population, in alliance with the lower Turkish administration ... is engaged in daily and total robbery of the rural population and traveling ... merchants.” Driven to despair by this, the Bulgarians rise to fight against the Turks (6). I. Khadzhisky, no less, considers the Circassian robberies, and the indifference to the fate of the Bulgarians of the local administration as one of the reasons for the April uprising! Even the wealthy strata of the population (Chorbajii) joined the revolutionary movement, who sought to protect their property from the Circassians, and saw only one way - liberation from the Turkish authorities, unable to ensure the safety of their subjects. The author cites a question that he asked his respondents during opinion polls: “Would you raise an uprising if there were no Circassian robberies?” The answer was always the same: "Never" (7).
Not accustomed to agriculture, the Circassians who arrived in Bulgaria moved into the houses of the Bulgarians, and instead of labor were taken for robbery: “The era of Circassian robberies began. They scurried across the defenseless Bulgarian fields… figures of Circassian robbers tanned in the sun. The children squealed from their mothers. I. Khadzhisky also refers to the words of Z. Stoyanov that "how the Circassians came, the peasants do not know what belongs to them and what belongs to the Circassians."
Trade routes froze, and on the roadsides every now and then they found the corpses of reckless merchants who decided to risk their lives and go to the bazaar or fair. The Circassians took everything - clothes, livestock, food, money. Of particular value were the traditional Bulgarian white “navuscha”. As soon as the Bulgarian saw a Circassian in the distance, he immediately removed and hid the “naushcha”, because. otherwise he got shot. In the evening, women were afraid to leave their homes. In order to protect the cattle from the Circassians, they were driven directly into the house, to the lower floor, and the entrance was filled up with logs. The peasants were forced to walk in groups in order to somehow defend themselves from the Circassian robbers, especially if it was necessary to go through the forest: “You can imagine in what state of mind the peasants left the village, being subjected to daily robberies, with what feelings they lay down and got up, with with what thoughts they went to work in the field ... And only this horror, this hourly anxiety tore at the nerves of these meek and gentle people ... who, out of horror before life, went to the fight and mortal risk.
I. Hadzhisky lists the villages that rebelled precisely because of the Circassian robberies - Byala Cherkva, Musina, Mikhaltsy. “Before the arrival of the Circassians, no one even thought about the uprising. But as they appeared… life became unbearable,” the author quotes one of the respondents as saying. Where there were no Circassians, there were no uprisings. In Samovoden and Hotnitsa, where there were no Circassian robberies, despite the revolutionary committees created there, the uprising was never raised (7).
I. Khadzhisky revealed a pattern: the more sections of the population suffered from Circassian raids in a particular village, the more revolutionaries this village gave. And, on the contrary, no lack of land, no taxes and no poverty led to an uprising if the village did not know what the Circassian raids were. Let me remind you that I. Khadzhisky considered the Circassian factor as one of the main ones in the chain of others that led to the April uprising.
Thus, the Circassian muhajirs brought to Bulgaria their usual social and everyday way of life, which did not fit into the traditional social landscape of this country. This fact refutes the allegations that the Circassians before Muhajirism led a calm lifestyle, and only the vicissitudes of the Caucasian War forced them to resort to raiding tactics. If this were so, the Circassian robberies of the Bulgarian population would not have been massive, and would not have settled down as a traditional form of life of the Circassian Muhajirs. The thesis that the Russophilism of the latter was the main reason for cruelty to the Bulgarians does not stand up to criticism, since it is known from Bulgarian written sources that not only Bulgarians, but also Vlachs, Pomaks (Islamized Bulgarians) and even Turks became victims of Circassian raids.
1) “Cherkezites in Turkey” (“Zname”, city 1, broi 21, July 6, 1875). Obviously, by "Asia" we mean the North-Western Caucasus - Approx. ed.
2) “The battle between the Circassians and the Bulgarians” (“Zname”, city 1 broi 25, August 27, 1875)
3) “Botev was not killed by his own people, Tvardi historian-botevologist” (Bulletin “Analyze”, June 13, 1994)
4) Zachary Stoyanov “From the “Notes on the Bulgarian Revolution” (Vol. 3, Ch. 8, Sofia, 1979)
5) Zachary Stoyanov “From the “Notes on the Bulgarian Revolution” (Vol. 3, Ch. 5, Sofia, 1979)
6) Ivan Khadzhisky “Historical Roots on Our Democratic Traditions” (“Moral Map for Bulgaria”, Sofia, 2008)
7) Ivan Khadzhisky “Psychology in Aprilskoto rise” (“Moral map for Bulgaria”, Sofia, 2008)
20:09 - REGNUM
On April 21, 1876, a new stage of the bloody Balkan crisis began in Bulgaria, which began in July 1875 in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
It should be noted that the population of the Bulgarian lands itself, for the most part, was not initially at all disposed in favor of the rebels. The management regime here was not particularly cruel. The last major uprisings here took place in the region of the upper Danube in 1849-1850 and 1853. They were caused by the arbitrariness of the Turkish military authorities and were suppressed in the manner traditional for the Turkish administration: the entire Christian population, regardless of whether they took part in the uprising or not, became responsible for starting it. Fleeing from the massacre, a significant mass of Bulgarians crossed the Danube into Wallachia and Moldavia. Some of the refugees settled in the principalities, where from the children of the 1850s. the future revolutionaries of the 1870s were growing up; part - emigrated further to Russia, where they were provided with empty lands for settlement in the Crimea and along the Dniester.
After that, a period of relative calm began on the Bulgarian lands. Among the local peasantry, a prosperous stratum began to stand out - Chorbadzhiy, who did not want to jeopardize life and property. On the other hand, the Bulgarians remained an absolutely disenfranchised part of the population and could easily lose both at almost any moment. “I had never before had an idea of the suffering of Christians under the Turkish yoke,” recalled a teacher at a Protestant college in Constantinople who visited Bulgaria in the spring of 1875, “but what I saw there and what filled me with horror was not directly connected with the general direction of politics government - it was the tyranny of the armed Turkish minority over the unarmed and helpless Christian majority. In cities where wealthy Bulgarians bribed Turkish officials, it was still not bad, but the peasants were in fact slaves without rights.
The land situation in Danube Bulgaria and Dobruja deteriorated in the early 1860s. after the end of the Caucasian War, followed by a mass migration of highlanders to the Ottoman Empire (the numbers of Russian and Turkish researchers differ significantly, however, both of them are quite large: from 400 to 493 thousand people in 1858-1864. , and up to 1.4 million people from 1857 to 1876). In addition, the Tatars who left the Crimea after 1856 also settled in Dobruja. The Turkish government placed settlers in areas where the loyalty of the population caused doubts in Constantinople - in Syria, Iraq, Palestine, Macedonia and Dobruja. For the resettlement of the highlanders, land was confiscated from the local population; in Bulgaria, the Christian population was also used as a labor force in the construction of houses for the settlers. “In the local crushed side,” an employee of the Russian Consulate General reported to N.P. The common people are too downtrodden and illiterate, the Chorbajis care exclusively about their own personal interests, especially now, at the time of gathering bread and handing over tithes by the government, and the youth is utterly intimidated by the systematic persecution aimed at them since 1867 for any inclination towards free thought. Nevertheless, the conditions for discontent that existed on the Bulgarian lands did not disappear.
The revolutionaries decided to take advantage of these circumstances, who acted from neighboring territories - Serbia and Romania, trying to involve the rural population in the struggle against the Turks. In Romania in the 1860-1870s. a number of Bulgarian newspapers were published - Dunavska Zora, Fatherland, Narodnost, Svoboda (later Independence), Stara Planina. In 1875, the magazines New Bulgaria and Bulgarian Glas were added to them. All of them were aimed at promoting the ideas of the liberation struggle. One of the leaders of the revolutionary emigration, Lyuben Karavelov, outlined his vision of the prospects for the struggle in a conversation with a colleague as follows: “It is necessary to revive the committees, but not in order to free the people from a heavy yoke, but in order to prepare them for a revolution that will cause Russian intervention. Imagine what kind of fire will flare up in Europe, which hardly knows the name of a Bulgarian, when it hears that so many villages and towns have been burned in the Turkish Empire on the Balkan Peninsula, so many thousands of people have been killed. If, with the help of the committees, somewhere in the fatherland we can cause unrest, rebellion and, as a result, a massacre-slaughter, this will undoubtedly cause Russian intervention, I will say: “The committees have played their role!” and I will be very pleased.”
On September 16, 1875, Hristo Botev and Stefan Stambolov, having crossed the Danube, tried to raise an uprising, but instead of the expected several thousand, only 23 people supported them. Raising the banner of the uprising and singing a few revolutionary songs, the members of the detachment retired back to Romanian territory. The Turks, in response, began mass repressions against the Bulgarians, not understanding right from wrong. The result was inevitable. On October 13 (25), 1875, A. I. Nelidov, charge d'affaires in Constantinople, reported to Alexander II: “Sir! Numerous arrests made in Bulgaria, far from calming the excitement, but only increased the indignation of the inhabitants of this province, usually very peaceful. According to the manager of our general consulate in Ruschuk, even the old Chorbajis, usually hostile to the insane actions of young ardent patriots, this time expressed sympathy for the victims of the last clash ... I remember that the Turks during the last arrests seized a large amount of weapons prepared for the alleged uprising. Despite this, if a significant improvement in local government does not calm the excitement of the minds, then it is to be expected that a new excitement will break out here as soon as the Herzegovinian movement captures Serbia and Montenegro.
The Russian diplomat was wrong in his estimates by 1.5 months. Bulgarian emigrants in Romania did not count on the improvement of the Turkish system of government. Immediately after the September failure, more thorough preparations began for a new performance, the beginning of which was planned for May 13, 1876. This time, the emphasis was on an uprising in the cities. The organization faced a shortage of personnel with military experience, and a clear shortage of weapons, especially modern small arms. It was very difficult to buy it, and it was even more difficult to bring it to Bulgaria. After the Starozagorsk uprising in September 1875, the authorities were on their guard, they actively recruited informants among the Bulgarians, strengthened control and surveillance. It was clear that a new performance was being prepared. Up to 125 thousand Turkish soldiers and officers were constantly in Northern Bulgaria, a flotilla patrolled the Danube. The revolutionaries collected everything they could: French, English, German, Russian rifles and flintlocks.
As a result of the betrayal, the plans of the Bucharest Bulgarian Center were uncovered by the Turkish police. On April 19, the correspondence of the conspirators was intercepted and deciphered, mass arrests began. The revolutionaries were forced to act ahead of schedule. By May 2, they managed to achieve success in only a few mountain cities, where the mass extermination of Turkish officials began. Attempts to give the movement an organized character failed - it was a typical performance of peasants who did not want to go beyond their own community, village or town. At the same time, teachers, merchants, students - representatives of the middle class - became the main striking force of the uprising. The rebels failed to achieve mass participation of the largest stratum of the population, that is, the peasantry, they were drawn into events against their will, the uprising did not receive any significant support in the rest of Bulgaria.
The Turkish authorities, who after the autumn arrests did not expect such a massive demonstration, got the opportunity to organize a punitive action of a huge scale. Up to 5 thousand soldiers and a significant number of bashi-bazouks were gathered, the cadres of which were local Turks, Circassians, Pomaks (Turkish Bulgarians) and Muslim refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was these detachments that acted with particular cruelty during the suppression of the uprising. The isolated centers of the uprising were destroyed one after another, 80 were burned and more than 200 settlements were destroyed. All Christians and all Christian villages that had the misfortune to be in the way of the punishers were exterminated. In many cases, innocent people were killed, including those who did not participate in the uprising and showed loyalty to the power of the Sultan. The Christian population was forced to flee, seeking refuge in the mountains. “It is impossible to think about those trials without a shudder,” N. P. Ignatiev reported to Alexander II on April 27 (May 9), 1876 from Constantinople, “to which the unfortunate Bulgarian families, caught in the winter in the gorges of the Balkans, will be subjected ... The danger and fear of massacre arises in all points in Bulgaria where the Turks are. The situation is very tense."
The tension grew every day. On May 6, in Thessaloniki, a mob of fanatics killed the German and French consuls, who tried to intercede for a young Greek woman kidnapped from her parents' house for forced conversion to Islam. The unrest was not limited to this city, there was a danger to the embassies in Constantinople. On May 7, demonstrations of armed students of the madrasah took place along the streets of the Turkish capital, the commander of the garrison put the Sultan's guards and troops on high alert, and battleships were anchored in the harbor opposite the palace. If necessary, they were to open fire on the rebels. Their number was estimated differently: from 20 to 5-6 thousand people. The demonstrators demanded the change of a number of persons in the leadership of the country and succeeded in something - the Sultan replaced the Supreme Mufti and the Minister of War. The protests of the students did not stop there, but now the demand for the replacement of the Grand Vizier was heard more and more often. Meanwhile, the massacre in Bulgaria continued.
On May 25, 1876, the head of the Russian consulate in Adrianople, Prince A.N. Tseretelev, reported on the actions of the Turkish authorities: years disarmed. Finally, these people were sent not against the rebels, who did not appear, but against flourishing villages and peaceful cities. The troops were ordered to destroy everything at the slightest resistance. At first, counteraction to robbery and oppression committed by bashi-bazouks was considered such, then they did not even consider these pretexts, and it was enough just to be a Bulgarian. It was not about looking for the guilty, but about the extermination of Christians, about satisfying the hatred that had been held back for a long time. Hundreds, thousands of Bulgarians of all ages and both sexes died under the most terrible circumstances; the details of the cruelties committed are terrible; in Perushtitsa, Batak, Vetren, the entire population was slaughtered. Recently the village of Boyadzhik near Yambol experienced the same fate. Women and girls were raped, killed and taken into slavery, children were killed, peasants were killed who ran away when the troops approached, those who remained with them were killed, those who hid and those who handed over their weapons were killed - because it they had; and those who did not have it - because they did not hand it over; they fired from wagons at employees on the railroad line ... armed gangs roam the country, taking from the peasants everything that can be taken away, and regular troops appear at the slightest resistance to betray everything to fire and sword.
Surprisingly, in assessing the actions of the authorities, British diplomats did not disagree with the Russians. “There is no excuse for the actions of the Turks,” wrote the British ambassador to Turkey, H. J. Elliot, on May 26, 1876, to W. White, the consul general of his country in Belgrade, “who armed the bashi-bazouks, Circassians and gypsies, whose violence drives the peaceful villagers into despair and rebellion . I'm doing what I can to stop this." Couldn't stop it. Including because the British ambassador did not make his personal attitude public. “He is trying,” Nelidov reported to Gorchakov on August 12 (24), 1876, “at the instigation of the Grand Vizier, to explain, if not justify, the behavior of the Turks; the barbarities committed in Bulgaria have deprived the Turks of the sympathies and benevolence of the English nation, but they can consider themselves calm, having established that they have not lost those of Sir Henry Elliot.
Meanwhile, the principle of collective responsibility of the districts, that is, Christians, was in effect, from which not only the Bulgarian peasants suffered. After the murders in Thessaloniki, the lives of citizens of European states were also at risk. The Sultan's government had difficulty controlling the situation under the windows of their offices, even in Constantinople they expected attacks on European embassies. The atmosphere was exceptionally tense. The suppression of the uprising was accompanied by executions and torture of those captured, survivors of torture and trial were exiled to Diyarbekir, Cyprus, Palestine.
At first, no one was particularly worried about the number of victims in Bulgaria. According to the official report of the Turkish authorities, 3,100 Christians and 400 Muslims were killed during the suppression of the uprising. The first figure, of course, was underestimated. The British consul officially put the number of Christian victims at 12,000 (although the report made to the ambassador O the largest figure is 12 thousand victims in Philippopolis alone), its American counterpart is 15 thousand people, later Bulgarian studies give estimated figures for the tragedy - from 30 to 60 thousand people.
If the organization of the uprising ended in a military defeat for the Bulgarian revolutionaries, then the organization of its suppression led to the political defeat of the Turkish authorities. American and German journalists who studied the picture of Turkish crimes were shocked to see over 3 thousand corpses and hundreds of severed children's heads in just one of the villages. With particular frenzy, the bashi-bazouks destroyed schools and churches. Cases of mass burning of women and children alive were repeatedly recorded. The government did not make any serious attempts to stop them. First-hand news of this kind began to come to Europe already in July 1876. At first, they simply refused to believe in them, but when the information was confirmed, they played, according to the English diplomat, the role of the last drop in the cup of patience. The international reaction to the Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria was extremely sharp. Even in England, which constantly supported the Sultan, a broad movement began against Turkey. The pamphlet "Bulgarian Horrors and the Eastern Question", written by the leader of the liberal opposition W. Gladstone, sold 50,000 copies in a few days. The press demanded immediate action to end Turkish terror in the Balkans.
G. Garibaldi, V. Hugo, C. Darwin, I. S. Turgenev and many other figures of European culture and politics came out in defense of the Bulgarian people. Of course, in Russia, the massacre caused a storm of indignation. Already on May 5, 1876, the Moscow Slavic Committee issued an appeal to collect donations in favor of the Bulgarians: “Much has already been done by Russian society: great in its complexity is the Russian zemstvo alms sent to the Slavs, of which two-thirds, at least, were made up of alms from the common people under assistance of the parish clergy. These contributions create the historical future of the entire Slavic world. Thanks to this public statement of popular opinion, the bond of sympathy between Russia and the Slavic tribes was maintained, and they did not lose heart. Thanks to the help rendered from Russia, the families of our unfortunate fellow tribesmen and co-religionists did not die of hunger and cold and survived, at least somehow, the whole winter, without losing faith in the final success of the cause for which their fathers, husbands, sons, brothers — all men capable of bearing arms. A heavy burden fell, of course, on Russian society; the historical duty that fell to his lot is difficult, but on the other hand, the vocation of Russia is great, and her fraternal duty has not yet been completed.
June 22 was followed by the highest permission of the emperor to publicly appeal to his subjects with a call for help to the Bulgarians. By this time, funds were already actively collected by the Moscow, St. Petersburg and Odessa committees. One of the appeals read: “Russian people, may your helping hand not get tired! The poor man, who has already given his penny of labor, knowing from experience what need means, let him give it again and again; one kopeck will not ruin, and thousands, even tens and hundreds of thousands of rubles are collected from worldly kopecks. The rich man, who has already given and given generously, let him give more from his inexhaustible excess. The rich man, who has not yet given anything, because it is a pity to give a lot, but it is ashamed to give a little, let him not be ashamed to give at least a trifle, but let him only give! Dark people who do not really know these Bulgarians, just as they did not know the Herzegovinians and Bosniaks, but who have heard of Christians languishing in Turkey, let them give Christ for the sake of their “saved alms”. Educated people, but for all that, still little acquainted with the Slavs in general and Turkish in particular, let them quickly replenish this shameful gap in their stock of knowledge! It’s time, finally, not to allow yourself to be seduced by European fables about the Slavs, who, as if, have become so stupid that they even feel a little when they are thrown into the fire or put on a stake!
At the beginning of July 1876, a meeting of the Bulgarian Central Charitable Society was held in Bucharest, which was generously subsidized by Russian Slavic committees. The society promoted the creation of an independent Bulgaria (in the Bulgarian understanding of its geographical borders, which were supposed to turn into state ones), formed volunteer detachments, and provided assistance to refugees. Almost simultaneously with the beginning of the uprising in Bulgaria, a meeting of three emperors took place in the capital of Germany. Since there was no exact information about the massacre yet, the issue of Bosnia and Herzegovina was mainly discussed at it. On the eve of his trip to Berlin, Gorchakov began to lean towards the idea of an external guarantee of the autonomy of the provinces, even a temporary Austrian occupation of Bosnia “under certain, precise conditions” was allowed. The chancellor hoped for "unconditional support from Prussia."
As a result, on May 1 (13), 1876, during the stay of Alexander II in Berlin, a memorandum was signed by Gorchakov, Andrassy and Bismarck, which was later joined by Italy and France. The memorandum required the Turkish government to conclude a truce with the rebels for 2 months, to assist in the restoration of their devastated temples, dwellings and households, to recognize the right of the rebels to keep weapons. Turkish troops were to be concentrated in several points, determined by a special agreement, the monitoring of the fulfillment of the terms of the memorandum, if recognized, was entrusted to the consuls of the European powers. The Russian government at first tended to more actively support the rebels, but under pressure from Austria-Hungary, they were forced to abandon these plans. On May 19, London responded to the proposals of the three empires. Lord Derby considered the demand for a truce illusory and harmful, and the provision for material compensation for the destruction - in principle, impossible to fulfill. The unified action of Europe was thwarted by London.
Britain's refusal to support the Berlin Memorandum, Derby's demand to disarm only Christians, as well as categorical objections to international control over the Turkish authorities in the current conditions, in fact, meant London's recognition of the Turkish administration's right to uncontrolled repression. The position of British diplomacy made a very negative impression on Alexander II and Gorchakov, but they still hoped that the position of the five Great Powers would be convincing enough. Apparently, Derby himself was well aware that the massacre would continue, because at the same time as refusing to join the Berlin Memorandum, he ordered that 4 British warships be sent to Thessaloniki to protect the subjects of Queen Victoria, and 1 to Constantinople, at the disposal of Ambassador Elliot. London had to do something. Even Derby couldn't get by with just words.
The German consul killed in Thessaloniki was a local native, but a subject of Great Britain. In addition to England, France, Italy and Austria were forced to send their warships to the port of Thessaloniki. In response, the Sultan sent a special commission to the city, which was supposed to investigate the murder of the consuls. She was accompanied by a British gunboat. It is not surprising that the commission began to act energetically and arrested about fifty people. A modest naval demonstration and the speech of the three emperors in Berlin led the sultan to choose to go on a forced and therefore somewhat atypical demonstration of the rule of law in his country. An investigation into the murders in Thessaloniki and Bulgaria began. As a result, by the time it was completed in February 1877, 27 people had been subjected to various punishments for the murder of the German and French consuls (6 hanged), and 12 people (2 hanged) for the massacre in Bulgaria, which killed thousands of people.
From "chorba" - soup, stew. Initially, "Chorbadzhiy" was called the Janissaries, who distributed the stew from the boilers.
national liberation and anti-feudal uprising in Bulgaria April 18-May 23, 1876. Prepared by the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (See Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee), located in Giurgiu (Romania), and revolutionary committees in Bulgaria. It began earlier than the scheduled date (May 1, 1876), in view of the danger that the leaders would be arrested because of the betrayal. It gained the greatest scope in southern Bulgaria, where the main centers of the uprising, headed by T. Kableshkov, G. Benkovsky and others, there were the cities of Panagyurishte, Koprivshtitsa, the villages of Batak, Perushtitsa. However, the poorly armed rebel detachments were defeated by Turkish troops and bashi-bazouks. In other parts of the country, the uprising was reduced to scattered actions of small detachments, which were also defeated. A.'s latest event. there was a landing on May 17 near the village of Kozloduy formed in Romania by a detachment (four) of H. Botev. The detachment reached the city of Vratsa and near it was destroyed by the Turkish authorities. During A. century. the big Bulgarian bourgeoisie took a position hostile to him. There are 2 points of view on the role of other social groups in modern historical science. Some historians (A. Burmov, Kh. Gandev, D. Kosev, and others) consider A. v. the climax of the cross. movement led by the intelligentsia. According to others (S. A. Nikitin, N. Todorov), the driving force behind A. century. there were peasants and artisans, while the leadership belonged to representatives of the petty and middle bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia. Despite the defeat, A. in. shook Turkish feudal domination in Bulgaria, and the brutal suppression of A. v. contributed to the aggravation of the international situation and was one of the reasons for the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-78, as a result of which Bulgaria was liberated from Turkish domination.
Lit.: Nikitin S. A., Revolutionary struggle in Bulgaria in 1875-1876. and the April Uprising, in the collection: The Liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish Yoke, M., 1953; Strashimirov D., History of the April rise, vol. 1-3, Plovdiv, 1907; Gandev H., Aprilskoto rise, S., 1956; April rise 1876-1966. Reports and statements on the anniversary of scientific. session in Sofia, S., 1966; April Rising 1876. The Bibliography is Reputable..., S., 1966.
S. A. Nikitin.
- - was concluded between Japan and Korea on 26 Feb. on about. Ganghwa...
- - Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany and France and Italy that joined them to the Turkish government in connection with the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina ...
Diplomatic Dictionary
- - presented to the Turkish government by Austria-Hungary, Russia and Germany, as well as France, Italy and England that joined them in connection with the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina ...
Diplomatic Dictionary
- - memorandum addressed to tour. pr-vu in connection with the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina; adopted on May 13, 1876 in Berlin at a meeting of representatives of Russia, Austria-Hungary and Germany, supported by the governments of France and Italy ...
Soviet historical encyclopedia
- - entered into force on June 30, 1876. Adopted by the founding. Cortes, convened in March 1876, after the restoration of the monarchy, overthrown during the Spanish Revolution of 1868-74. It was an expression of political ...
Soviet historical encyclopedia
- - a secret agreement between Russia and Austria-Hungary on the Balkan issue, concluded on June 26 during the meeting of Alexander II and A. M. Gorchakov with Franz Joseph and D. Andrassy in Reichstadt Castle ...
Soviet historical encyclopedia
- - the builder of the Uleiminsky monast. Moscow. Bishop Russian biographical dictionary in 25 volumes - Ed. under the supervision of the chairman of the Imperial Russian Historical Society A. A. Polovtsev ...
- - the builder of the Uleiminsky monast. Moscow...
Big biographical encyclopedia
- - an uprising against the Nazi invaders and their Italian fascist minions, the final stage of the national liberation war of the Italian people of 1943-45 ...
- - the first political demonstration in Russia with the participation of advanced workers. It was caused by the growth of the strike movement in the country. It was held on December 6 at the square of the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - was concluded between Japan and Korea on February 26 on the island of Ganghwa. K. d. opened the Korean port of Pusan for Japanese trade, and after 20 months. - Wonsan and Incheon...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - Kokand uprising of 1873‒1876, an uprising on the territory of the Kokand Khanate. It began as an anti-feudal movement of nomadic Kyrgyz, caused by an increase in taxes and taxes by the Kokand Khan Khudoyar ...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - uprising on the territory of the Kokand Khanate. It began as an anti-feudal movement of nomadic Kyrgyz, caused by an increase in taxes and taxes by the Kokand Khan Khudoyar ...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - a secret agreement between Russia and Austria-Hungary on the Balkan issue ...
Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- - 1876 - the largest performance of the Bulgarian people against the Turkish yoke. Prepared by the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee. The greatest scope was received in the southern part of Bulgaria ...
- - 1945 - a nationwide armed uprising in the North. Italy against the Nazi occupiers and their Italian henchmen; completed the liberation of Italy from fascism. April 25 is a national holiday in Italy...
Big encyclopedic dictionary
"April Uprising 1876" in books
1876
From the book Journey to the Maclay Shore author Miklukho-Maklai Nikolai Nikolaevich1876 June. Arrived on 27 June in a small English flagged schooner named "Sea Bird". I noticed a significant change in the physiognomies of the high peaks of the mountains. The natives were very pleased, but not at all surprised at my arrival, being quite sure that I would keep my word (88). When I
1876
From the book Diary author Bashkirtseva Maria KonstantinovnaAPRIL MORNING
From the author's bookAPRIL MORNING of the laureate of the Lenin Prize In whatever high rank - scientific or official - a person is a doctor by profession, he always remains a doctor. Of course, provided that this is a real doctor and a real person. The path of the researcher and experimenter Ilizarov
1876
From the book Chronological outline of the life and work of G. I. Uspensky author Uspensky Gleb Ivanovich1876 January 15th. Ouspensky's essay "You Can't Hide an Awl in a Sack" was published in the Vperyod magazine in London. April. Otechestvennye Zapiski publishes the Book of Checks and Non-Payers; in "Russian Vedomosti" - essays "From a memorable book. II. Middle minded people.” End
April
From the book Golden Varieties of Fruit Crops author Fatyanov Vladislav IvanovichAprelskoye The variety was bred at the Rossoshanskoye experimental station of horticulture by M. M. Ulyanishchev from crossing varieties Mekintosh and Rossoshanskoe Polosatoe. Passing state and production testing in the south of the Central region and the north of the Rostov region. A tree with
1876
From the book French Wolf - Queen of England. Isabel author Weir AlisonHristo Botev
Bulgarian revolutionary democrat, poet and publicist Hristo Botev (1848-1876) was born in Kalofer in the family of a teacher. He received his primary education in his hometown, and in 1863
1865 continued it in Russia, at the Odessa Men's Gymnasium as a scholarship holder of the Odessa Bulgarian rectory. autumn
In 1866 he began to work as a teacher in the Bulgarian village of Zaduna-evka in Bessarabia, and in 1867 in his native Kalofer. In the same year, Botev left for Romania, where he established contacts with the Bulgarian revolutionaries.
Botev's publicistic activity began in 1871. Welcoming the Paris Commune, he writes "The Creed of the Bulgarian Commune." In the summer of 1871, the first issue of Botev's newspaper, The Word of Bulgarian Emigrants, was published. At the same time, he collaborated in Karavelov's newspaper Svoboda and published the newspaper Alarm Clock. In 1874, Botev began publishing the Znamya newspaper, which became the main printed organ of the BRCC, of which he was elected a member. On the initiative of Botev, in August 1875, members of the BRCC gathered in Bucharest and adopted a plan for preparing an uprising in Bulgaria. It was decided to divide the Bulgarian lands into regions and send special envoys to them. The Bulgarian voivode P. Hitov and F. Totya were assigned the task of equipping the couple for a trip to Bulgaria. A special delegation was sent to establish contact with the Insurgents of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was supposed to attract officers of the Russian army, Bulgarians by origin, as commanders of the rebel detachments. In Stara Zagora for
preparing the uprising went Stefan Stambolov. On September 16, 1875, an uprising against the Ottoman authorities began here. However, the ambitious plans of the rebels could not be realized. The local uprising was quickly suppressed by the punitive troops. Its defeat caused a crisis in the work of the BRCC.
In the autumn of 1875, a new committee of Bulgarian revolutionaries was formed in the Romanian city of Gyurgevo. At its meeting, it was decided to start a large-scale Bulgarian uprising on May 1, 1876. The country was supposed to be divided into four revolutionary districts - Tyrnovsky, Slivensky, Vrachansky and Plovdiv. The main organizer of the uprising, who received the name of the apostle, was sent to each district. On April 14, 1876, the apostles of the Plovdiv (Fourth) revolutionary district gathered for a general meeting in the town of Oborishte, where they clarified issues related to the coordination of actions in the district. The center of the uprising and the location of its headquarters was determined by the city of Panagyurishte.
Accelerated by unforeseen circumstances (a traitor entered the meeting, giving out plans and dates for the upcoming speech to the Turkish authorities), the uprising began earlier than planned, namely on April 20, 1876, when the authorities attempted to arrest its leaders in the city of Koprivshtitse. The rebels rebuffed the Turkish authorities and sent letters to other settlements in Bulgaria calling for an uprising. On the same day, the cities of Klisura and Panagyurishte revolted. The rebels formed the Provisional Government. One of the apostles, G. Benkovsky, was supposed to inform the villages of this district about the outbreak of the uprising. On April 22, the banner of the rebels was solemnly consecrated in Panagyurishte. The uprising, spreading to the west from Panagyurishte, covered more and more new areas. Turkish troops were sent to suppress it. The almost unarmed rebels were opposed by the regular army. On April 26, the city of Klisura fell under the blows of the punishers, and on April 30, the center of the uprising, Panagyurishte. In early May, the Turks captured Koprivshtitsa and launched an offensive against the village of Batak. In Batak, the Bolsheviks paid a terrible price: almost three thousand of its civilians were destroyed. The inhabitants of Perushtitsa resisted for a long time and heroically. After the capture of the city, part of the population took refuge in the local church, where all those gathered died in a fire.
In other revolutionary districts, events were not so intense. What is happening in the Fourth District responded to
Tarnovo district, where the formed detachment of rebels was, however, quickly defeated by punishers in the Stara Planina region. For about a week, the peasants of the villages near the town of Gabrovo fought. In the Sliven district, the rebel detachments were quickly dispersed by Turkish troops. It was not possible to raise an uprising in the Vratsa district.
The final chord of the uprising was the actions of the detachment of Hristo Botev. On May 17, 1876, about 200 rebels led by Botev, having captured an Austrian steamer, crossed the Danube and landed on its Bulgarian coast near the village of Kozloduy. In order to inform the world community about the mission of the Chetniks, relevant information was sent to a number of foreign newspapers. The Chetniks went inland, but on May 20 they were defeated by superior Turkish forces. The leader of the detachment Hristo Botev also died in the battle. In June 1876, the uprising against the Ottoman regime was completely crushed.
The reason for the defeat of the rebels is obvious: the Ottoman army, with its modern weapons, was opposed by almost unarmed civilians. However, the military defeat of the uprising became its political victory - the public opinion of the civilized world rose to the defense of the Bulgarian people, shuddering from the atrocities of the Turkish government, which destroyed over 30 thousand civilians during the suppression of the uprising. Punishers burned hundreds of settlements. Materials about Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria filled the world press. At the initiative of Russia, an International Questionnaire Commission was created, the purpose of which was to survey the affected areas of Bulgaria. The public of all Slavic countries responded to the Bulgarian events. Prominent representatives of the Russian intelligentsia - L.N. Tolstoy, I.S. Turgenev, F.M. Dostoevsky, D.I. Mendeleev and others - came out in defense of the Bulgarian people. V. Hugo spoke in France. The "Bulgarian question" acquired the most important significance in the complex set of problems born of the entire Eastern crisis.
RUSSIAN-TURKISH WAR 1877-1878
The April uprising of the Bulgarian people and its brutal suppression caused an aggravation of the Eastern crisis. Tensions escalated in June 1876 when Serbia and Montenegro started the war against Turkey. In October, the Serbian army was actually defeated. After that, Russia intervened in the events. She presented Turkey with an ultimatum demanding an immediate truce with Serbia for 4-6 weeks. Threat
Russia's entry into the war against Turkey stopped the offensive of the Ottoman troops. However, Montenegro and the rebels of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued their struggle.
In December 1876, at the initiative of Russia, a conference of great powers was convened in Constantinople (Istanbul) to solve the Balkan problems. Representatives of Russia, Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, France and Germany spoke in favor of granting Bosnia, Herzegovina and Bulgaria the status of autonomous provinces, as well as some expansion of the territory of Montenegro. The Sublime Porte rejected these demands on the pretext that the constitution proclaimed in the empire provides for the granting of all necessary rights to individual national groups. The only real result of the conference (December 1876 - January 1877) was the appeal of the Porte government to the Serbian and Montenegrin governments with a proposal to start peace negotiations.
In February 1877, N.P. Ignatiev was instructed to convince the European powers to sign a protocol confirming the agreements reached during preliminary consultations at the Constantinople Conference. N.P. Ignatiev successfully coped with the task assigned to him. In March 1877 the protocol was signed in London. However, the High Porte rejected it in April as well.
Considering that all peaceful means of resolving the crisis had been exhausted, on April 12, 1877, Russia declared war on Turkey. On the same day, Russian troops entered Romania, with which Russia concluded a special convention. The Russian Danube army, concentrated in Romania, numbered 185 thousand people at the beginning of the war, and the Turkish army - 220 thousand.
The initial plans of the Russian command provided for the operation of two armies on the Danube front. One was to cross the Danube, cross the Balkan Mountains and capture Adrianople (Edirne), and then Constantinople, the other was to support the actions of the Danubian army from the east and west.
Active hostilities began after the Russian troops crossed the Danube on June 15, 1878 (two months after the declaration of war) and occupied the first city in Bulgaria - Svistov (Svishtov). They were conducted in three main directions - in Eastern, Western and Central Bulgaria. Bulgarian militias fought in the ranks of the Russian army, and Chetniks fought in the front line. The formation of the militia began in February-March 1877 in Chisinau, and continued in the Romanian city of Ploiesti. Major General N.G. became the head of the Bulgarian militia. Stoletov. The militia, including Russian personnel, amounted to more than 7 thousand people. Population
Bulgaria provided tangible assistance to the advancing Russian troops. In villages and cities, the formation of people's militia units took place.
In Central Bulgaria, a detachment of General I.V., supported by the Bulgarians-1 these volunteers, operated. Gurko. On June 25, he managed to capture Tarnovo, capture three important mountain passes and reach southern Bulgaria. However, the successful advance of the advance detachment was soon stopped by Suleiman Pasha's corps.
After the battle at Stara Zagora, Gurko's detachment, in order not to be cut off from the main Russian forces, was forced to retreat and leave the cities occupied in southern Bulgaria. Together with the Russian troops, the local population also moved through the Balkan Mountains to Northern Bulgaria.
At the end of July 1877, the situation on the fronts was not in favor of the Russian army. In August, the battles for the Shipka Pass began. Its defense was entrusted to a detachment of 6 thousand people led by General N.G. Stoletov, against whom Suleiman Pasha threw a 27,000-strong army. For four months, Stoletov's detachment, with the support of Bulgarian volunteers, repelled the attacks of Suleiman Pasha's corps and held the Shipka Pass. This ensured the capture of Pleven in November 1877, the liberation of all of Northern Bulgaria, and the transfer of the main Russian forces to Southern Bulgaria. In winter, a broad offensive of the Russian troops unfolded. One part of the Russian army went to Sofia, the other - to Shipka - Sheinovo. On December 23, 1877, Sofia was liberated from Turkish troops, and in January 1878, Suleiman Pasha's units were defeated near Plovdiv. Turkish troops were cut off from Adrianople, which was on the way to Constantinople, and pushed back into the Rhodope mountains. On January 19, 1878, an armistice was signed in Adrianople, already in the hands of the Russians.
FORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN NATIONAL STATE
San Stefano Preliminary Treaty. Berlin treatise
Representatives of the Russian and Ottoman Empires signed a preliminary treaty on March 3, 1878 * in the city of San Stefano (Yesilkoy). In accordance with it, on the territory from the Danube to the Aegean Sea and from the Black Sea to Lake Ohrid (total
area of 160 thousand square meters. km) provided for the formation of an autonomous Principality of Bulgaria "with a Christian government and a people's militia" (Article 6). According to the agreement, the Principality was supposed to unite Mizia, Southern Dobrudzha, most of Macedonia and Thrace within its borders, i.e. practically all those dioceses, except for Nish and most of the Dorostolo-Cherven (Ruseni) dioceses, which the Bulgarian Exarchate claimed from the time of its establishment (1870). Before the emergence of the Bulgarian national state, it was the main integration and mobilization national factor. The borders of the Principality, defined by the Treaty of San Stefano, for a long time became for the Bulgarians a symbol of their "ideal" fatherland.
The application made in San Stefano for the possibility of creating under the auspices of Russia a vast Bulgarian state with an advantageous strategic position in the Balkans immediately provoked a negative reaction from, first of all, Great Britain and Austria-Hungary. The controversy unfolded around the principle that the national state must have the coincidence of ethnic and state borders. Referring to it, Great Britain and Austria-Hungary accused Russia of striving in the name of their own interests to create a fictitious national state, including "neighboring peoples", the danger of infringement of whose rights they repeatedly pointed out.
Under pressure from Great Britain and Austria-Hungary, the terms of the San Stefano Preliminary Treaty were revised by the Congress of the Great Powers held in Berlin (June 13 - July 13, 1878).
The agreement signed on July 13, 1878 by Austria-Hungary, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Russia and Turkey provided: the territory (62,776 sq. km. with a population of about 2 million people) of the Principality of Bulgaria, self-governing under the leadership of the Sultan, should be limited to the Danube, the Balkan Mountains and Sofia Sanjak; the territory enclosed between the Balkan Mountains, the Rhodopes and the Black Sea (an area of 35,901 sq. km with a population of 815,946 people), to be left under the direct political and military authority of the Sultan, provided that it is granted full administrative autonomy as a province called "Eastern Rumelia", with the administrative center in Plovdiv; Aegean Thrace and Macedonia should be returned to the Ottoman Empire with the condition that organic statutes like the Cretan 1868 be introduced in each province.
Background of the uprising
In the second half of the 19th century, spontaneous riots broke out on the Bulgarian lands as part of the Ottoman Empire, which were usually led by representatives of the young Bulgarian intelligentsia. And as part of the conspirators - peasants, artisans and rarely, representatives of the petty bourgeoisie - a new class that has just begun to emerge among the Bulgarian population.
Additionally, at that time, the Ottoman Empire was also experiencing foreign policy difficulties and, in general, its role in the international arena was very weakened.
With a favorable internal and international situation created, a group of young Bulgarian revolutionaries at the end of November 1875 created the so-called Gyurgevo Revolutionary Committee in the Romanian city of Gyurgevo. The committee decides on the immediate preparation of a general uprising in Bulgaria in the spring of 1876.
Each district has its own apostle
For greater efficiency, the revolutionary committee divides the Bulgarian territory into four revolutionary districts: I. - Tarnovsky, II. - Slivensky, III. - Vratsa and IV. - Plovdiv with the center in Panagyurishte.
The so-called "Apostles of Liberty" with assistants were elected to lead the districts. Stefan Stambolov was elected the Apostle of Freedom in the Tarnovo district, with the center Gorna Oryahovitsa, in the Sliven district - Iliya Dragostinov. Stefan Zaimov became the Apostle of Freedom of the Vratsa district, and in the Plovdiv district, P. Volov was first elected an apostle, however, during the preparation of the uprising, he was replaced by Georgi Benkovsky, who came to the fore due to organizational abilities.
The main task of the apostles of freedom is to activate the already existing revolutionary committees in Bulgarian cities and villages, create new ones, as well as lead the preparations for the uprising and subsequent hostilities. At first, the uprising was scheduled for the interval between April 18 and 23, 1876. Later, the leaders of individual districts decided to declare an uprising on May 1.
Before the final action, for the last check of readiness, each district was obliged to convene representatives of the revolutionary committees of its district for a general meeting.
Training
In January 1876, the apostles of freedom and their assistants begin to move to Bulgaria. Under their leadership, local revolutionary cells are actively engaged in propagating the idea of an uprising among the population, stocking up on food, weapons, organizing communications, discussing plans and tactics for future action, and even creating a secret police to identify traitors.
The most active work is being carried out in the Tarnovo and Plovdiv districts, which explains the activity of the uprising in these areas. Only in these districts did the final meetings take place to check the readiness for the uprising. At these meetings, there was also a discussion of the issue of distribution of powers, since some delegates felt that the apostles of liberty had too much power.
However, the majority of votes confirmed the powers of the apostles to raise an uprising, appoint a governor, direct military operations, etc. The meetings also determined the center of the future uprising - the city of Panagyurishte, where the military council was to hold its meetings.
Betrayal and false start
Of course, the actions of the representatives of the revolutionary committees attracted the attention of the Turkish police. Yes, and among the revolutionaries were traitors. One way or another, the Turkish authorities found out about the upcoming uprising and took preventive measures.
When the Turks tried to arrest the leaders of the local revolutionary committee in Koprivshtitsa, those led by Todor Kableshkov attacked and killed the Turkish policemen. After that, there was only one way out - to declare an uprising.
On April 20, 1876, Todor Kableshkov sent the so-called "bloody letter" to leaders in Panagyurishte and other revolutionary cells - a note written in the blood of a murdered Turkish policeman. With this letter, all Bulgarians were called to revolt.
Brutal Defeat
The first couple of days after the announcement of the uprising, the revolutionaries freely capture villages and small towns. In them, the new Bulgarian government declares itself to be the "Provisional Government" or "Military Council", which includes members of the revolutionary committees. This is mainly happening in the Tarnovo and Plovdiv regions.
In all the villages captured by the rebels, solemn rituals, bell ringing, church services are held. On April 22, in Panagyurishte, the insurgent banner with the motto "Freedom or Death!", embroidered by a local teacher Rayna Georgieva Futekova, is solemnly consecrated. The liberated territories gradually spread to the northwest, west and southwest of Panagyurishte, covering a number of villages located south of Pazardzhik and northeast of Plovdiv.
The Turkish authorities are taking urgent measures to suppress the uprising. A complete mobilization of the Mohammedan population in southern Bulgaria has been announced, additional military units are being transferred from Asia Minor. Already on April 23, the Bashi-Buzuk detachments were fighting the rebels near the village of Strelcha. Three days later, Tosun Bey's army captures Klisura and burns the city. Then, on April 30, Panagyurishte was captured, where all the population remaining in the city was destroyed.
Especially terrible was the so-called "Batashko clan", when in the village of Batak the Turks slaughtered the entire population, more than 3 thousand people, men, women and children. In total, more than 30 thousand Bulgarians were killed during the suppression of the uprising.
The last event of the April uprising was the landing on May 17 near the village of Kozloduy on the Danube, a detachment formed in Romania, under the command of Hristo Botev. However, by the time Botev's detachment landed, the uprising had already been suppressed throughout the country.
Not having received support from the population, intimidated by the Turkish authorities, Botev's detachment reached the city of Vratsa, and was destroyed in the mountains near the city. Hristo Botev himself died as a result of a mortal wound.
Significance of the April Uprising
Despite the defeat, the April Uprising had a huge impact on the fate of Bulgaria. The brutal massacre perpetrated in the very heart of "enlightened Europe" caused indignation among the European advanced public and an outburst of indignation in Russia, which considered the Bulgarians to be Orthodox brothers.
At the same time, starting the uprising, its initiators and participants had little hope of victory. Dustab Tsanko, one of the activists of the revolutionary movement, addressed the insurgents in this way: “Boys ... we must ... raise as many villages as possible to revolt and keep the created situation as much as possible. Only in this is our salvation, only in this way we we will attract the attention of Europe, and without Europe we will not be able to do anything ... With this uprising we will not be able to liberate Bulgaria. Of this I am convinced. But we will attract attention and give Russia the opportunity to make a fuss."
One of the apostles of the April Uprising, Georgy Benkovsky, also stated: "My goal has already been achieved! In the heart of a tyrant, I opened such a fierce wound that will never heal, and Russia - let it come!"
The April uprising achieved its goal - the "Eastern question" reaches its highest intensity and puts into action the "strategic reserve" of the Bulgarian national liberation movement - the Russian military intervention. A year after the April Uprising, Russia declared war on Turkey, as a result of which the Bulgarian people were freed from Ottoman slavery and were given the opportunity to build their own state.