(p. 20.10.1946)
Vladimir Putin's failed rival in the presidential
elections on March 14, 2004
Born in the village of Semigorovka, Voronezh Region. Education
received at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute (1968), in graduate school
this institute (1974), at the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU (1991) and in
Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (1993). Candidate of Technical Sciences, Doctor
political science, professor. In 1968-1969. senior engineer in one of
state farms of the Volgograd region. In 1969-1970. served in the Soviet army.
Until 1987 at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute: assistant,
Senior Lecturer, Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Mechanization and Automation
Livestock, Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Mechanics, since 1983
secretary of the party committee of the institute. In 1987-1991. first secretary of the Soviet
district committee of Volgograd, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU. WITH
June 1991 Head of the Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR for communication with the Soviets
people's deputies. In 1991-1993 people's deputy, member of the Supreme
Council of the Russian Federation, chairman of the "Communists of Russia" faction. From October 1991 to
June 1993 one of the seven co-chairs of the Socialist Party
workers. Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on unconstitutionality
presidential decrees Boris N. Yeltsin about the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992 g.
sent a letter to Boris N. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their effect pending a decision
Constitutional Court. In February 1993, at the restoration congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
was elected to the CEC of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, at the first plenum - deputy chairman
CEC. After that, he left the Socialist Party of Workers (reinstated in
June 1994). Since the fall of 1993, a member of the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR),
expelled from it in 1995. After the events of October 1993, the deputy
Head of the Main Department of Water Resources of the Ministry of Agriculture
economy of the Russian Federation. Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first
(1993-1995) and second (1995-1999) convocations. Was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation
according to the APR list, to the State Duma of the second convocation according to the list of the "Ivan Rybkin Bloc".
Chairman of the State Duma of the first convocation from 15.01.1994 to
December 1995 Nominated for this position by the APR faction. As a result
In April 1994 he left the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Then he was elected chairman
Association "Regions of Russia". In July 1995, on behalf of Boris N. Yeltsin
created and headed a center-left pre-election bloc (“Ivan's Bloc
Rybkin "). In the elections to the State Duma, the bloc received only 1.1%
The State Duma of the second convocation was an independent deputy and a member of the Committee on
international affairs. He ran for the post of chairman of the State Duma, but
was not elected. In April 1996 he founded and registered the Socialist
the party of Russia. A week before the second round of voting in the presidential election
Boris N. Yeltsin abolished the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation and formed
Political Advisory Council headed by I.P. Rybkin. From October
1996 Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In 1997 was personal
representative of the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin at the inauguration of the President of the Chechen
republic A.A. Maskhadov. Was heavily influenced B. A.
Berezovsky, who, having the citizenship of Russia and Israel, became a deputy
I.P. Rybkin and used it as a convenient tool for his political
manipulations. From 01.03.1998, he was deputy chairman for several days
Russian government in government V. S. Chernomyrdina(before the resignation of all
cabinet composition). Nominated at the insistence of B. A. Berezovsky. Supervised issues
CIS and relations with the Chechen Republic. From 05/14/1998 to 2000
Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS countries with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister.
Demonstrated the highest devotion to Boris N. Yeltsin. In 1998, without waiting
the opinion of the Constitutional Court, was the first to declare that B.N. Yeltsin could
run for president for a third term. At the beginning of 1999 he announced it
"A symbol of the unification of Russia and Belarus" and proposed to elect
Union of Russia and Belarus. In 2000, with the arrival of V.V.Putin to the post
President of the Russian Federation, the Political Consultative Council under the President was abolished
RF, headed by I.P. Rybkin. In April 2002 he was summoned to
The Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation for a conversation about his activities as a secretary
Security Council of the Russian Federation. The investigation was interested in the circumstances related to
preparation and signing of a peace treaty between Russia and Chechnya in
a letter to President Vladimir V. Putin, where he spoke out against “perverting the role of Alexander
Lebed in achieving peace "in Chechnya and" labeling Boris Berezovsky
"An accomplice of terrorists" ", and also proposed to start peace negotiations with" legally
the elected President of the Chechen Republic Aslan Maskhadov ". He describes his views as
socialist and social democratic. 04/14/2003 Second
Congress of the Socialist United Party of Russia unanimously deprived I.P. Rybkin
membership in it for "defaming ties with Boris Berezovsky." 07.07.2003
members of the party "Liberal Russia" from among the supporters of B. A. Berezovsky
delegated to IP Rybkin the powers of the party leader. For several years I have been to
leadership of five parties (Communist Party of the RSFSR, Socialist Party of Workers,
Communist Party, APR, Socialist Party of Russia). There was a time when he was
leadership of three political structures at the same time, which had different
political goals and not included in the coalition. At the end of December 2003
nominated by an initiative group of 700 representatives from 60 regions to the post
"Putin has no right to rule in Russia," where he argued that "actions
President Putin and his inner circle should be regarded by society as
state crimes ", accused the authorities of" actual destruction
Constitution ", unleashing a war in Chechnya and attempts by the authorities" to intimidate all of us. "
He called V. V. Putin "the largest oligarch in Russia", as well as the names of people
who, in his opinion, are "responsible for Putin's business." 02/05/2004 after
21.30 disappeared. 02/08/2004, his wife Albina Nikolaevna filed with the Department of Internal Affairs
"Arbat" statement on the search for the missing candidate for the President of the Russian Federation. On the same day
The Moscow police department opened a search case on this fact. 02/10/2004 was found in
Kiev. I called the head of my campaign headquarters K. Yu. Ponomareva and said that "I spent four days in Kiev pleasantly" and did not understand the reasons
the hype raised around his person. “I didn’t disappear anywhere, I bought a newspaper and was
amazed". On the same day he arrived in Moscow. I went to London the next day. Gave
confusing explanations for what happened. On February 19, 2004, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation prohibited
him to participate in free televised debates through a teleconference (I.P. Rybkin
stayed in London), believing that this would “create unequal conditions for others
candidates ". 03/05/2004, having returned after a three-week absence from
London, withdrew his candidacy for the position of candidate in
Presidents of the Russian Federation. He stated that “I no longer intend to participate in the farce and run as
a hare in front of the presidential steam locomotive. In January 2006 traveled to London
(b. 1946) - Russian statesman and public figure. Since 1979 - in teaching and administrative work at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute, since 1987 - in party work in the organs of the CPSU, in 1991 - head. department of the Central Committee of the CPSU of the RSFSR. In 1990 he was elected People's Deputy of Russia, one of the I co-deputies. deputy faction "Communists of Russia". In 1991 - 1992 was in opposition to the government of Boris N. Yeltsin - Ye. T. Gaidar. 1992-1993 was a member of the opposition parliamentary bloc "Russian Unity". In February 1993, at the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he was elected to the CEC; in April 1994 he left the party. During the Political (constitutional) crisis of 1993, he was in the White House, urging supporters of the Supreme Soviet to refrain from distributing weapons and find a compromise with Russian President Boris N. Yeltsin. In December 1993 he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the electoral association of the Agrarian Party; from January 1994 to December 1995 - prev. State Duma of the Russian Federation. In the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation (December 1995), the "Ivan Rybkin Bloc" failed to overcome the 5% barrier, but IP Rybkin himself was elected in a single-mandate constituency. In the 1996 presidential elections, he supported the candidacy of B. N. Yeltsin. In 1996-1998. - Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In April 1996, he founded the Socialist United Party of Russia, however, due to a statement about the need to start negotiations with A. Maskhadov, he was removed from his post. Party (June 29, 2002). Since 1998 - Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS member states
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Rybkin, Ivan Petrovich
Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of Russia in the CIS countries since May 1998, Chairman of the Political Consultative Council under the President of the Russian Federation; was born on October 20, 1946 in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh region; graduated from the Volgograd Agricultural Institute in 1968, the General Assembly of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1991, the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in 1993, candidate of technical sciences, doctor of political sciences, professor; 1987-1991 - first secretary of the district committee, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU; in 1990 he was elected a deputy of the Volgograd Regional Council; in 1991 - head of the department for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies of the Central Committee of the RSFSR Communist Party; 1990-1993 - People's Deputy, member of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, chairman of the "Communists of Russia" faction; was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations; Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation since January 1994; was a member of the Committee on International Affairs in the State Duma of the second convocation, was vice-president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; in May 1994, by presidential decree, was introduced to the Security Council; in October 1996 he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic; from October 1996, he was the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation; in March 1998, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation for CIS Affairs (until the resignation of the entire government); in the fall of 1991, he became one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Party of Workers (SPT) and was elected one of its 7 co-chairmen; in 1994 he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR); June 8, 1995 was elected chairman of the Association "Regions of Russia"; created the Consent movement; in early April 1996, he founded and registered the Socialist Party of Russia (SPR), was elected its chairman; published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects); author of over 300 publications and books on politics and economics; author of the books "The State Duma: The Fifth Attempt", "We Are Doomed to Consent", "A Safe World for Russia", "Russia Will Find Consent"; married, has two daughters; loves to read fiction, is fond of agriculture, chess, car business.
He signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia of 23 and 25 August 1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to Boris Yeltsin with a request to suspend their effect pending the decision of the Constitutional Court. He characterizes his views as socialist and social-democratic; has a negative attitude towards both extreme left and extreme right organizations, believing that the current problems of Russia can be solved only in conditions of civil peace and national accord. Supports "smart" government regulation. He considers it necessary to integrate the former Soviet republics on a new federal or confederal basis and sees the initial form of such a state in the CIS. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and the state. In February 1997, he said that "Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression," while making it clear that he considers the Soviet Union's commitment not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances to be a mistake. He expressed the following vision of the Security Council: "The task of the Security Council is to keep in sight the entire sum of external and internal threats and challenges to security and, in accordance with this, to prepare scientifically based recommendations for the top leadership of the Russian Federation, which will help in making adequate decisions. This includes the development of conceptual problems of national security of the state. To cope with this task, the Security Council must turn into a powerful analytical center with a multi-level system of comprehensive study of the situation in the country and in the world. "
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06/20/1946). Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation for CIS Affairs in the government of V.S.Chernomyrdin from 01.03.1998 to 23.03.1998; Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation BN Yeltsin in the CIS member states in the rank of Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation in May - August 1998; Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation from 21.10.1996 to 01.03.1998. Born in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh Region, into a peasant family. Having moved to the position of democrats, in 1996 he recalled that both of his grandfathers "in the rebel army of General Antonov defended the Don from the red commissars." The press sarcastically commented that when joining the CPSU about the struggle of their ancestors against the Bolsheviks, it clearly did not spread. My father worked on a collective farm as an accountant, then as a chief accountant. Educated at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute with a degree in mechanical engineer (with honors, 1968), in graduate school of this institute (1974), at the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU (1991), at the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (1993). Candidate of Technical Sciences (dissertation on the mechanization of livestock farms, 1974), Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor. I went to school on foot five kilometers away. He began his career in the collective farm "Zavety Ilyich" of the Novoannensky district of the Volgograd region. In 1968-1969. worked as a senior engineer in one of the state farms of the Volgograd region. In 1969-1970. served in the Soviet Army. In 1974-1987. worked at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute as an assistant, senior lecturer, associate professor, head of the department of mechanization and automation of animal husbandry, deputy dean of the mechanical faculty, since 1983 as a secretary of the party committee. He was published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects). Since 1987, the first secretary of the Soviet District Committee of the CPSU in Volgograd, since March 1990, the second secretary of the Volgograd Regional Committee of the CPSU. Since June 1991, head of the department of the Central Committee of the RSFSR Communist Party for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies. He began his career in Moscow as an Orthodox communist. In 1990 he was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR. He worked on a permanent basis in the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR on the work of the Soviets of People's Deputies and the development of self-government. In 1990 he became one of the founders and co-chairman of the Communists of Russia faction. Voted for the exclusion of the 6th article on the leading role of the CPSU from the USSR Constitution. In 1990, he opposed the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, believing that this would lead to a weakening of ties between the Communist Parties. Nevertheless, he was elected to the constituent congress from the Volgograd region and voted against the election of IK Polozkov as the first secretary of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. After the unsuccessful speech of the GKChP in August 1991, he suggested that Boris N. Yeltsin hold a congress of the CPSU, at which the party members would be able to self-determine. BN Yeltsin proposed to discuss this issue with GE Burbulis, but the latter did not consider holding such a congress expedient. IP Rybkin, along with other people's deputies of the RSFSR, signed appeals to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia dated 23 and 25.08.1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to Boris N. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their operation pending the decision of the Constitutional Court. He was one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Party of Workers, from October 1991 to June 1993 was one of its seven co-chairmen. At the VII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (December 1992), he was elected to the Supreme Soviet by rotation. After the decision of the Constitutional Court, which opened the way for the restoration of the Communist Party, IP Rybkin, together with other members of the faction, participated in the preparation of the restoration congress of the party. On 03.12.1992, together with V.A.Kuptsov, G.A.Zyuganov and others, he signed an appeal of the initiative committee to convene the Congress of Communists of the Russian Federation. The authors of the appeal called on the communists to unite and re-create the Communist Party of Russia as a "political spokesman for the working people." On February 14, 1993, at the II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (restoration and unification), he was elected one of the six deputy chairmen of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. The program statement and charter adopted by the congress stated that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation would be a party in opposition to the existing regime, using parliamentary forms of struggle for reforms, but in the interests of the working people, for the return of the country to the socialist path of development. After that, he left the Socialist Workers' Party. He was deputy chairman of the CEC of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation until his resignation from the Communist Party in April 1994. During the confrontation between the president and parliament in late September - early October 1993, he was in the House of Soviets. He was on the side of A. V. Rutskoy and R. I. Khasbulatov, but insisted on a peaceful solution of the issue, supporting V. D. Zorkin's "zero option". "Zero option". Voted in the besieged Supreme Soviet for the removal of Boris N. Yeltsin from the post of President of the Russian Federation. After the execution of the parliament, the deputy head of the Main Department of Water Resources of the Ministry of Agriculture of the Russian Federation. Then he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia. On 12.12.1993 he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the first convocation on the list of the Agrarian Party of Russia. Since January 15, 1994, Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Received 223 votes against the required 223 votes. His main rival, B.P. Vlasov, received 33 votes. He was one of the first to advocate political amnesty for the participants in the events of September - October 1993. Since May 1994, he was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In June 1994 he was reinstated in the Socialist Workers' Party. In 1995 he was expelled from the Agrarian Party of Russia. According to the former deputy chairman of the RF Audit Chamber, Y. Yu. Boldyrev, the chairman of the State Duma, IP Rybkin, and V.S. these are going to transfer abroad. We make a direct order to the Minister of Finance Livshits: to collect them back to the budget within a day. By law, he is obliged to either fulfill or appeal in court. Silence. The money goes away. The executive director who transferred the money is immediately shot on the Rublevskoye highway. Everything, ends in the water ... "(Moskovsky Komsomolets. 2001. № 66, p. 2). During an official visit to the United States as Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, publications appeared in the Russian press about the scandal associated with the purchase of furniture by IP Rybkin in the United States for his personal dacha, which he was carrying across the ocean in a government plane from the Rossiya squadron. Since 06/08/1995 he is the chairman of the "Regions of Russia" association. In July 1995, he founded the pre-election "Bloc of Center-Left Orientation" ("Ivan Rybkin's Bloc"), which was defeated in the elections to the State Duma, and thereby failed the plan developed by the Kremlin's political strategists. He entered at number 1 in the electoral list of this bloc, but in the elections he did not overcome the five percent barrier. According to a number of analysts, for a long time, if not forever, he crossed out his own leadership ambitions. In September 1995, at the congress of the Agrarian Party of Russia, he was removed from the leadership of the party. Passed to the State Duma of the second convocation in a single-mandate constituency in the Voronezh region. Since December 1995, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation. He was an independent deputy, a member of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs. He ran for the post of Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the second convocation, but was not elected. Created the Consent movement. In June 1996, he became chairman of the Political Consultative Council under the President of the Russian Federation. In the same year he founded the Socialist Party of Russia and was invited to the XX Congress of the Socialist International in New York. He was Vice President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Before the presidential elections in the summer of 1996, he published in Izvestia a loyal article “Why I Will Vote for Boris Yeltsin,” in which he renounced his previous communist convictions. The article was noticed in the Kremlin. Since 10/21/1996, Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Replaced in this position A. I. Lebed, who was dismissed. At the same time, he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic. He made a promise to continue AI Lebed's course towards a peaceful settlement in Chechnya. He reorganized the apparatus and working bodies, as a result, the number of his deputies reached six people, and the number of chiefs in the apparatus increased several times. He signed an order to publish the fundamental work “Security of Russia. Legal, socio-economic and scientific-technical aspects ”in 15 volumes (plus 17 books of supplements) with a total value of over two million dollars. Not a single volume came out, the money allocated for them disappeared. In the throes of creativity, it was possible to give birth to only a thin "Dictionary of terms and definitions" concerning the national security of Russia, and "Collection of legal acts on security issues", published in one copy. On January 17, 1997, he was invited to the Gorki-9 residence near Moscow, where Boris N. Yeltsin instructed him to be his personal representative at the inauguration of the President of the Chechen Republic A. A. Maskhadov. On January 27, 1997, he became a member of the Foreign Policy Council under the President of the Russian Federation. On February 14, 1997, he was appointed chairman of the commission for the development of a draft agreement on the delimitation of jurisdictions and powers between the state authorities of the Russian Federation and Chechnya. I spent several hours in the waiting room of the President of the Chechen Republic A. A. Maskhadov before I got to see him. He was under the strong influence of B. A. Berezovsky, who, having the citizenship of Russia and Israel, became I. P. Rybkin's deputy and gained access to confidential documents on which the Security Council was working. A week before the second round of voting, Boris N. Yeltsin abolished the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation and formed a Political Consultative Council headed by I. P. Rybkin. In February 1998, I. P. Rybkin presented to the press the Russian edition of the book "The Future of European Social Democracy", where he was one of the co-authors, including 32 well-known European politicians, including the Prime Ministers of France and Great Britain, NATO Secretary General and others. In the structure of the Security Council, he created a department for interaction with the Security Councils of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. As a result, a number of regions adopted their own laws on security that contradicted the Constitution of the Russian Federation, and the tasks of local Security Councils included such cases as “identifying internal and external threats” (Tomsk, Mordovia), “considering defense issues” (Tomsk, Tyva, Ingushetia ), "On the introduction and lifting of the state of emergency" (Mordovia, Kabardino-Balkaria). The press was ironic: it would be curious to see how at the meetings of the Tomsk Security Council they develop a plan of defense against the neighbors - the Novosibirsk and Kemerovo regions, or how they are going to defend themselves from the Buryat invasion in Tuva. In early November 1996, Russian Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov harshly commented on IP Rybkin's amateurish statement on Russia's participation in NATO: “The Secretaries of the Security Council have acquired a certain hobby to speak out on Russia's relations with NATO. Formulates the foreign policy of the Foreign Ministry, and he adheres to a negative attitude towards NATO enlargement. " In February 1997, he declared that "Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression," which he considers a mistake the USSR's commitment not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances. On October 8, 1997, he was relieved of his duties as the representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic. In this post he was replaced by V.S.Vlasov. He retained the post of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. From 01.03.1998 Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation for CIS and Chechen Republic affairs in the government of V.S.Chernomyrdin. Nominated at the insistence of BA Berezovsky, since this position made it possible to regulate huge cash flows. The total debt of the CIS countries to Russia was about $ 6 billion, and working with these debts provided a fertile field for financial and economic activity. Replaced the dismissed V.M.Serov. He stayed in this position for 22 days, until the resignation of the government of V.S.Chernomyrdin. From 14.05.1998 to 2000 - the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS countries with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister. The position was decorative, introduced especially for him. I was burdened by it, since all the work on the CIS was carried out in the Foreign Ministry and in the office of the CIS Executive Secretary. Demonstrated the highest devotion to Boris N. Yeltsin. In 1998, without waiting for the decision of the Constitutional Court, he was the first to declare that Boris N. Yeltsin could be nominated for a third presidential term. In early 1999, he called him "a symbol of the unification of Russia and Belarus" and proposed to be elected President of the Union of the Russian Federation and Belarus. 06/05/1998 participated in the baptism of B. A. Berezovsky's six-month-old son Gleb in the Orthodox church of Dmitry Solunsky as a godfather. In 2000, with the arrival of V.V. Putin, the political advisory council under the President of the Russian Federation, headed by I.P. Rybkin, was also abolished. Not a leader by nature. According to the former speaker of the upper house of the Russian parliament V. F. Shumeiko, “when Yeltsin beckoned, in exactly one week he became his ardent supporter from a convinced communist” (D. Shevchenko, Kremlin Morals. M., 1999, p. 212). VF Shumeiko gives the following comparison: “The other day I was leafing through the magazine“ Niva ”at the beginning of the century, I accidentally came across an advertisement for a slimming agent: a fat lady, and next to it a slender girl - after the procedures. And the signature: "In three days she became a flirt." Directly about my friend Vanya! He will never have the heart to spit on all this, to part with the Kremlin "without sorrow." But I understand: it’s hard right from a first-class carriage to a reserved seat smelling of a latrine ... ”(Ibid.) In April 2002, he was summoned to the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation to talk about his activities as secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. The investigation was interested in the circumstances connected with the preparation and signing of a peace treaty between Russia and Chechnya in 1997. On June 27, 2002, in the Kommersant newspaper, he published an open letter to President Vladimir Putin, in which he spoke out against “perverting the role of Alexander Lebed in achieving peace "In Chechnya and" hanging on Boris Berezovsky the label "an accomplice of terrorists", also suggested starting peace negotiations with "the legally elected President of the Chechen Republic Aslan Maskhadov." On June 29, 2002, the plenum of the federal government of the Socialist United Party of Russia ("Spiritual Heritage") condemned the chairman of the party, IP Rybkin, for this letter. In response, he resigned as head of the party and left the plenum. He characterizes his views as socialist and social-democratic. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and the state. On April 12, 2003, the second congress of the Socialist United Party of Russia unanimously deprived IP Rybkin of membership in it for "discrediting ties with Boris Berezovsky." 07.07.2003 members of the party "Liberal Russia" from among the supporters of B. A. Berezovsky was delegated to IP Rybkin the powers of the party leader. The head of the Fund "Consent", located in a luxurious 19th century mansion that belonged to the merchant Stakhaev, since 1921 it has been the Central House of Children of Railwaymen. According to press reports, the fund received half a million dollars on the eve of the 1996 presidential elections. He pays scholarships to excellent students in ten universities, donated computer classes to a number of schools. According to IP Rybkin, he has no accounts or securities in foreign banks. Privatized an office apartment in Protochny Lane with a living area of 176 square meters. According to press reports, it is related to a five-room apartment on Zvenigorodskaya Street with an area of 220 square meters, bought for 800 thousand dollars from the family of aircraft designer Ilyushin, allegedly by a certain Mr. service "Mercedes" (Komsomolskaya Pravda. 05.02.1999). In 1999, his dacha in the village of Starove, Yaroslavl Region, was robbed. Owns dachas No. 47 and 47a as private property in the elite suburban village Zhukovka-3 near Moscow, which is not subject to privatization. For several years, he visited the leadership of five parties (the CPSU, the Socialist Party of Workers, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the APRF, the Socialist Party of Russia). There was a time when he was simultaneously in the leadership of three political structures that had different political goals and were not part of the coalition. Awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (1997). He signed the books "The State Duma: The Fifth Attempt", "We Are Doomed to Consent", "A Safe World for Russia", "Russia Will Find Consent". At the end of December 2003, he was nominated by an initiative group of 700 representatives from 60 regions of Russia for the post of President of the Russian Federation. 02.02.2004 published in the newspaper "Kommersant" a statement "Putin has no right to power in Russia", where he argued that "the actions of President Putin and his inner circle should be regarded by society as crimes of the state", accused the authorities of "the actual destruction of the Constitution ", Unleashing a war in Chechnya and the authorities' attempts to" intimidate us all. " He called V. V. Putin "the largest oligarch in Russia", as well as the names of people who, in his opinion, "are responsible for Putin's business." Likes to read fiction, is fond of agriculture, chess, car business. Plays the guitar, sings romances and Cossack songs. Married. There are two daughters. The eldest, Larisa, studied at one of the American universities.
Ivan Rybkin is a well-known Russian politician and statesman, holds a doctorate in political science. From 1994 to 1996, he served as chairman of the State Duma of the first convocation, and later for several years was the secretary of the Security Council.
Biography of the politician
Ivan Rybkin was born in 1946. He grew up in a peasant family. He was born in the village of Semigorka. He received his higher education at an agricultural institute in Volgograd. He graduated from it in 1968 with honors, becoming the owner of the specialty "mechanical engineer". In 1974 he graduated from the postgraduate course of the same university. He received the degree of candidate of technical sciences.
In the future, Ivan Rybkin continued to improve his education. For this I entered a university organized by the CPSU. Received a diploma from the Academy of Social Sciences at the Central Committee of the CPSU. Two years later, he graduated from the diplomatic academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Labor career
Ivan Petrovich Rybkin began to work in 1968 in the collective farm "Zavety Ilyich" as a senior engineer. It was located in the Novoanninsky district of the Volgograd region. After he served in the army.
In 1987 he was appointed First Secretary of the Soviet District Committee in Volgograd. In 1991, when cardinal transformations began in the country, Ivan Rybkin was the head of a department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.
Political activity
When the August coup failed, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was dissolved. After that Rybkin took part in the creation of the Agrarian Party of Russia. It was originally a left-wing political movement until 2009, when its registration was temporarily suspended. Now the organization claims to be a centrist party.
Its first constituent congress was held in February MP Mikhail Lapshin was elected its chairman. In December of the same year, she took part in the elections to the State Duma of the first convocation. The Agrarian Party of Russia received almost 8% of the vote. This was her best result ever. In total, she had 37 mandates in the federal parliament - 21 for party lists and 16 for single-mandate constituencies.
Ivan Rybkin himself, despite his involvement in the "agrarians", was among the initiators of the restoration congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, even entered the presidium.
Participation in the Communist Party
In February 1993, the hero of our article is already participating in the emergency congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, which, as a result, it was decided to transform into the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. He is elected a member of the Central Executive Committee. As a result, Ivan Rybkin became deputy chairman of the CEC, remaining in this position until April 1994. In the same period, he is a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
Becomes a member of parliament. For the post of chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, he is proposed by the "agrarians" faction. As their leader Mikhail Lapshin later recalled, the party had the opportunity to nominate its candidate for speaker, he personally then recommended Rybkin.
The hero of our article himself likes to tell that when he received the certificate of the chairman of the State Duma in the president's office, he told Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin that he would never allow the White House to be repeated again.
Further activities
After the second convocation, Ivan Petrovich Rybkin was replaced by Gennady Seleznev, representing the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, as speaker. The hero of our article himself became an ordinary single-mandate, his center-left bloc did not pass on the party lists.
He was number one in the voting block of Ivan Rybkin. With him in the federal part of the list were also ex-head of the presidential administration of Russia Yuri Petrov and a researcher of the Arctic and Antarctic.During the election race in the Bloc, they stated that they support the existing government in the person of President Boris Yeltsin, while adhering to center-left views. The block was created during the conference of the "Regions of Russia" association.
Initially, it included significant political forces, but over time, the Federation of Independent Trade Unions, the Industrial Party, the Moe Otechestvo movement, led by Boris Gryzlov, separated.
However, Rybkin did not remain out of work. In the same year, he was appointed secretary of the Security Council. He remained in this position until the spring of 1998. Then, for several weeks, he was Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation in the cabinet of Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin. Rybkin supervised the issues of the Commission on the Affairs of the Union of Independent States and the Chechen Republic. He was appointed on March 1, but on the 23rd of the same month the entire government was dismissed.
After that, in the status of president, he headed the public fund for promoting the development of the Russian language.
Presidential elections
2004 became one of the brightest and most memorable years in the biography of Ivan Rybkin. He decides to run for president of the Russian Federation. By this time, the first term of Vladimir Putin, who plans to be re-elected, has passed. Rybkin expects to become his direct competitor.
It is known that during the election campaign, the hero of our article enjoyed the support of Boris Berezovsky, an influential oligarch who by that time left the country for fear of criminal prosecution.
Rybkin announced his plans to run among 11 more candidates. However, his plans were destined to be disrupted due to a mysterious scandal that dealt a significant blow to his reputation.
Rybkin himself later admitted that he had been persuaded for a long time to take part in the presidential elections, including personally by Boris Berezovsky. As a result, he decided to take part in the vote to declare that the disappearance of competition in the economy will soon lead to the absence and political competition in the country, which will negatively affect the still quite young democracy in Russia. Rybkin claims that initially he was going to declare his position, and then withdraw his candidacy, allegedly did not initially plan to go to the end.
Disappearing
The media learned that on the evening of February 5, 2004, a potential candidate for the presidency of Russia disappeared. Three days later, as required by law, his wife Albina Rybkina appeared at the Arbat police station, where she wrote an official statement about her husband's disappearance. On the same day, an investigation file was opened into his disappearance.
Two days later, the presidential candidate was found in Kiev, a few hours later he flew to Moscow.
If you believe the first statements made by Rybkin himself after this mysterious disappearance, he decided to take a break from the events that preceded his presidential nomination, for a while to forget about the hype that arose around him. He turned off his mobile phones so that no one would interfere with his rest. Rybkin said that he has the right to a few days of his personal life, stressing that he often travels to Kiev to walk the streets with friends, besides, the weather was good on weekends.
His supporters commented rather harshly on the disappearance of Ivan Rybkin in February 2004. The head of his campaign headquarters, who was previously the editor-in-chief of the Kommersant newspaper and the general director of the ORT TV channel, said that if everything is true, as her boss said, it would mean the end of his political career.
The fugitive oligarch Boris Berezovsky, who was the main sponsor of Rybkin's election campaign, said that after such a trick such a politician no longer exists in Russia.
Interestingly, there were also opposite points of view on this score. For example, some believed that the whole story of his disappearance was organized by his supporters. The ex-prosecutor general said that all this was an original PR campaign, in which Berezovsky took part. And State Duma deputy Nikolai Kovalev suspected that the disappearance was a PR project of Ksenia Ponomareva, stressing that he would recognize her style and approach to work. Kovalev admitted that he was sure that the disappearance would drag on for no more than four days, and the very idea caused him to laugh Homeric.
Conspiracy theories of disappearance
Until now, there are opinions that Rybkin did not disappear of his own free will, but when he spoke about his desire to rest, he was cunning. Renowned journalist and human rights activist Anna Politkovskaya points to the fact that Rybkin disappeared the next day after he publicly announced the possible involvement of Russian President Vladimir Putin in a series of house bombings in Moscow in 1999. As a result, these terrorist acts became the rationale for the introduction of federal troops into the territory of the Chechen Republic, as well as the beginning of the Second Chechen War.
Publicist and public figure Alexander Goldfarb wrote in his book that Rybkin told him in a personal conversation that he was kidnapped by agents of the Federal Security Service, who pumped him with drugs and took him away in an unknown direction.
According to Goldfarb, Rybkin was lured to Ukraine by promising to organize a meeting with Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov. At that time, he was listed as the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.
In Kiev, Rybkin was informed that Maskhadov would arrive in two hours, and during this time he was offered to have lunch. Allegedly, the presidential candidate ate several sandwiches, and after that he could not remember anything. He was unconscious for four days, and when he woke up on February 10, he was shown a video in which, according to him, he performed "disgusting acts" with "terrible perverts." They began to blackmail Rybkin, forcing him to refuse to participate in the presidential elections, otherwise they threatened to publish a video.
Rybkin himself later emphasized in an interview that he was leaving for Kiev for a confidential meeting, planning to stay there for no more than two days. The fact that he did not warn his wife about this, did not see anything surprising, since, according to him, he often did not tell her where he was going.
He then told Goldfarb that he feared for his safety, so he expects to continue participating in the presidential race from abroad. But already on March 5 it became known that Rybkin was officially withdrawing his candidacy. In an interview with reporters, he said that he did not want to participate in this "farce".
According to another version of his disappearance, which was voiced in a documentary film by Andrei Kondrashov called "Berezovsky", aired on the channel "Russia-1", Rybkin was taken to Ukraine to be killed. This was supposed to help cancel in 2004. The point was that all the already registered candidates did not have the right to be nominated for repeated elections. Allegedly, having killed Rybkin, Berezovsky planned to remove Putin from power in order to ensure victory in the presidential race for his candidate. The plans to liquidate Rybkin were thwarted by the Ukrainian special services. The documentary was released on central television in 2012.
Then the TV channel "Dozhd" turned to the hero of our article in order to once again clarify the circumstances of his disappearance. However, Rybkin repeated his version that he left for Kiev voluntarily in order to confidentially meet with his acquaintances.
Election results
As a result, in 2004 Rybkin was recognized as an unregistered candidate. Multimillionaire Anzori Aksentyev-Kikalishvili, pharmaceutical magnate Vladimir Bryntsalov, ex-head of the Central Bank Viktor Gerashchenko, chairman of the social movement For Social Justice Igor Smykov, ex-owner of the Alisa stock exchange German Sterligov found themselves in the same position. All of them have not been registered for the presidency of the Russian Federation.
Six candidates were allowed to vote. Sergei Mironov, who at that time represented the Russian Party of Life, failed to gain even 1% of the vote, Oleg Malyshkin from the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia received 2%, Irina Khakamada, registered as a self-nominated candidate, 3.8%.
The third place was taken by another self-nominated candidate - Sergei Glazyev. 4.1% of voters voted for him. The second was the candidate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Nikolai Kharitonov (13.7%).
Vladimir Putin won a convincing victory in the elections, receiving the support of more than 71% of voters who came to the polls. In total, 49.5 million people voted for him.
Further activities of Rybkin
Little is known about Ivan Rybkin's family. He has a wife Albina, while he prefers not to advertise his private life. After the failure of the 2004 presidential election, Rybkin rarely appears in public.
It is known that in 2011 he became one of the applicants for the rally and procession in Moscow on Russian Flag Day on August 22.
Now he is 71 years old, the hero of our article himself calls himself a retired politician. He permanently lives in the Moscow region - in the village of Dubki, located not far from Odintsovo. He admits that he has been reading a lot lately, is especially addicted to Russian classics (Lermontov, Bunin, Yesenin, Nekrasov), and is working on his own books of memoirs.
Ivan Rybkin is no longer involved in politics, although he closely follows everything that happens in the country.
“The poisoning of Litvinenko and the trail of 'polonium' events that follow this continue to excite the public. Boris Berezovsky and his London entourage have been in the spotlight for a week. Rybkin, the former speaker of the State Duma, the ex-head of the Security Council and the ever-memorable presidential candidate, whose disappearance during the election race (this "kundshtuk" is also associated with BAB) made a lot of noise.
Now Ivan Rybkin leads the life of a simple pensioner - or rather, a pensioner whose life is successful. Ivan Petrovich met me at the dacha. On a rather large and deserted area, there are three yellow houses - the master's, the guest's and the guard's house. It turned out that Rybkin personally folded the fireplace. On the fireplace is the coat of arms of the Russian Empire. Yeltsin gave it as a present. On the contrary, there is a painting depicting Jesus Christ. It was presented by Gorbachev.
- What did you do after the presidential campaign?
- The house was built. I also lectured in different countries, wrote books ...
- And how did you earn money for construction and a quiet life?
- I was paid for lectures. For two lectures in the United States - at the Council on Foreign Defense Policy and at the Carnegie Center - I was paid 25 thousand each. I have enough, I am not a greedy person. Then he gave lectures in Denmark, Berlin. I also sold the house in Zhukovka, where my father lived and died. The land there is much more expensive than here, although it is the edge of the same forest. (Rybkin's dacha on the Old Smolensk road. - “MK”). Saving every five. I have also published several books. They also paid big fees. For example, a book in English "Consent in Chechnya - Consent in Russia" sold 20,000 copies of $ 100 each.
- Have you already received your pension? You are already supposed to ...
- Not yet. I don’t know exactly how many were appointed. I, as the chairman of the Duma, should receive a special pension. I know how much Shumeiko (at that time the head of the upper chamber) gets, but they tried to appoint me seven times less. I told them that if they behave this way, I can return everything back.
- Have you maintained relations with another pensioner in exile - Boris Berezovsky?
- I guess, yes. During this year, however, we saw very little. They talked more and more on the phone. In January, I was on his 60th birthday in London, on the estate.
- What did you give?
- Last birthday I gave a soldier's flask with vodka, and for this one I gave you a book called Despair. This is a continuation of "17 Moments of Spring" ... Stirlitz was brought to the Soviet Union, tortured, killed the whole family ...
From the dossier "MK".
Yulian Semyonov wrote Despair in 1990. The action takes place from 1947 to 1953. Stirlitz finds himself in the Lubyanka, but not as a scout, but as a prisoner. On a date, his wife tells him that, having struggled to overcome alcoholism, she ended up in a camp. Their son disappeared in Prague. In fact, he lost his mind during the torture, and then was shot. Stirlitz is forced to split Raoul Wallenberg in exchange for “freeing the family”. In the finale of the novel, Wallenberg is killed in front of Stirlitz. He is released, receives the Star of the Hero and writes a dissertation on fascism, which Suslov sends to the special storage.
- And what did Boris Abramovich give you?
- I was just in Spain. He called me there, and in Moscow he had already sent a bouquet of flowers and a bottle of expensive cognac. But I don’t drink ... It’s still standing somewhere.
- How did you meet?
- When I was appointed secretary of the Russian Security Council, I began to select deputies for myself. Some of them came with me from the Duma ... Then, if you remember, businessmen were coming to power. Chernomyrdin calls me and offers entrepreneurs to take Berezovsky. Like, I myself said that Chechnya cannot be raised without businessmen. I even presented Boris Abramovich for the award, but the list was turned down.
- You and Berezovsky are godfathers?
- Yes, his youngest son Gleb is my godson. I go to his birthday every year. It just didn't work out this year. But I congratulated on the phone. Now he is 10 years old. He is a very smart boy, the best student in the school. Like his older sister Arina. She is in the top three.
Boris Gleb once said: if something happens to me, Ivan Petrovich will be your dad. He is always glad to me. He sees me - rushes towards me from the middle of the room.
- What is Boris Berezovsky's closest circle in London?
- It's hard to say, he is a very sociable person. I think that the inner circle is still his family. After all, his former families also live there. And the family of the first wife Nina Vasilievna (mother of Liza and Katya), and the family of Galina (mother of Artyom and Nastya).
- How did he settle down in London? Still, 6 years have passed since the departure.
- He has a rather modest office on Down Street, next to Hyde Park, on one of the floors of an old house. My lobby looks huge compared to the rooms in his office. The layout remained almost unchanged, and therefore the average size of a room is 10-8-6 meters.
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On the very outskirts of London, he bought himself a large mansion. It is also very old, and there has not been much renovation done. Apparently, he bought it, made a small refreshing repair and moved in ... There are tattered carpets on the floor.
“Maybe they’re Victorian?”
- Most likely it is, but torn. The dog runs - black labrador. First it appeared with him, and then with Putin.
- Maybe they are even relatives? Is Berezovsky not running around Hyde Park? And then many of our emigrants adopt London habits.
- Runs, only not in Hyde Park, but at his estate. It's big - put on sneakers and ran. Boris Abramovich is very active and adapts quickly. I quickly learned English, at first, however, distorted, spoke with a terrible accent, and now it is normal. He entered a rather closed British society. He became a member of many purely English clubs. He is a frequenter of trendy cafes, restaurants, casinos, theaters, including the Royal, does not miss a single premiere.
- They say that Berezovsky is not at all as rich as he used to be. Does he do business in England?
- Leads, and the rumors about his financial death, I think, are greatly exaggerated. Until now, he still had a business in Russia. Not to mention Ukraine, Transcaucasia, Central Asia, France, the Baltic States, Germany. There are a lot of young people around him, each is engaged in his own direction. They constantly come to him with a report.
- Has his lifestyle in London changed a lot?
- Not much. Drives by car, with security and with a driver. But it's not about money, he somehow believed that only five million were needed for the life of his entire large family. The rest of the money is already a headache. You must be in their service.
- Does Berezovsky have any hobbies, hobbies?
“I don’t remember exactly. He, like Lenin, lives only on the ideas of the revolution.
- Can you tell us any new details about what happened to you in Kiev during the presidential campaign? Poisoning, kidnapping, spree?
- Before the shooting of the White House, I did not drink at all. Maximum I can drink a glass of champagne for a holiday, alcohol does not give me pleasure ... I still find it difficult to say what happened then. I got away from the tail, took a train to Kiev in Kaluga. I drank tea and felt extremely unwell. Why? God knows why. Then he was checked in clinics in London, they did not find anything. He even had an operation in Switzerland. But deep tissue research was carried out only in Vienna and Paris. It is very expensive, and I never went there ...
- But there was a time when you did not remember yourself.
- There were drowsiness, weakness. I asked to be transported to another apartment in Kiev, as there was a banal drunkenness where I was. I hate that. After some time, I realized that there would be no appointment (with Aslan Maskhadov). And I decided to return. Quickly took the ticket. I was the only person in the VIP. And one got on the bus to the plane. And then the accompanying me says: "They want to meet with you." And the bus goes the other way from the plane. I tell her gently and insistently: I have no appointment with anyone. She thought for a few seconds, and we drove to the plane. But I was so tired that, while flying, I fell asleep. He looked sleepy, and I decided to put on glasses, which, however, I had never worn.
- TV presenter Vladimir Soloviev said that Berezovsky offered him to take part in that election campaign and said that a sacred sacrifice would be needed among the opposition ...
- Sacrificial ram ... I came to him then for the transfer. He would take yes and tell me this. I would advise you not to be a candidate ...
- Purely theoretically, is Berezovsky capable of making such sacrifices in the name of an idea?
- When I was with him, he did not conduct such cases.
- How long have you known Litvinenko?
- After his move to London, he was always somewhere nearby, but at a distance. He saw my indifferent attitude towards him and did not try to make friends. For me, he is still a person who changed his oath ... At the beginning of the year, at a birthday party, he came up to me and asked me to take a picture of us together. But I was busy talking. The second time they came up with Lugovoi. I also saw him several times. He even came to me to sign security contracts. Lugovoi was in charge of the private security company, and his officers guarded me in 2003-2004.
- What is your version of the poisoning?
- I don’t want to guess. We must wait for the investigation of the professionals. If Scotland Yard and the German police are involved, there is hope that at least this tangle will be unraveled.
... By the way, about the same thing that happened with Litvinenko in 2000 happened to my nephews and brother. The youngest lost his hair, eyebrows, eyelashes. He barely recovered. The elder nephew is worse off - he still has a tremor. And my younger brother's hair fell out on the back of his head, he turned gray, and three bald spots remained on the back. What kind of research has not been done. Doctors cannot really say anything. But I understand that nothing happens just like that. As my brother and I decided, they could not get it behind the picket fence and guards, but they got it.
- Have you ever wondered why everyone around Berezovsky is being hounded, killed?
- Honestly, I did, but I don't have an answer to this question yet.
- And how does Akhmed Zakayev live in London?
- As a political emigrant. He also has a house; however, I, however, was not. We met at the hotel and at Boris's. They stay in touch and communicate frequently. Every time I come and see how Ahmed is getting old. Emigration does not add youth to anyone.
- Is it true that he has an affair with Vanessa Redgrave?
- As my grandmother used to say, I didn't stand with a candle at my feet ... But they appear everywhere together. Vanessa is very socialite, takes him to various events, he is always dressed with a needle. She is beautiful, very talented, "red" Vanessa, in the sense of "left" ... He is much younger than her ... We met in Copenhagen, drank tea, talked a lot. If she is mistaken, she is sincerely mistaken. "
Ivan Petrovich Rybkin(born October 20, 1946, the village of Semigorka, Voronezh region, RSFSR, USSR) - Russian statesman and politician. Chairman of the State Duma of the 1st convocation (1994-1996), Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation (1996-1998).
Biography
Born into a peasant family. He graduated from school with a gold medal. He received his higher education at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute, from which he graduated in 1968 with honors as a mechanical engineer, in 1974 he completed his postgraduate studies at the same institute, at the age of 27 becoming a candidate of technical sciences. In 1991 he graduated from the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, and in 1993 from the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry.
In 1968-1969 he worked as a senior engineer at the Zavety Ilyich collective farm (Novoanninsky district of the Volgograd region). He served in the army. Since 1987 he worked as First Secretary of the Soviet District Committee of Volgograd. In 1991 he was the head of a department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, after the failure of the August putsch and the dissolution of the CPSU he participated in the creation of the Agrarian Party of Russia. In 1994-1995, he was the chairman of the State Duma of the 1st convocation, the candidacy was proposed by the APR faction. “Then we even got the right to nominate a candidate for speaker from our ranks, and I personally recommended Ivan Rybkin,” said the leader of the APR MI Lapshin. As Rybkin himself recalled: “When I received the certificate of the chairman of the State Duma in Yeltsin’s office, I told Boris Nikolayevich:“ There will never be a repetition of the White House again! .. ”. From October 21, 1996 to March 1998 - Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. From March 1 to March 23, 1998 - Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation V. Chernomyrdin for CIS and Chechen Republic affairs (until the resignation of the Government). President of the Regional Public Fund for Assistance to the Development of the Russian Language as a Means of Interethnic Communication. In 2004, he nominated himself for the post of President of the Russian Federation, enjoyed the support of B. A. Berezovsky, but on March 5, after a scandalous incident with his disappearance and appearance in Kiev in February 2004, he withdrew his candidacy.
Disappeared in February 2004
On the evening of February 5, 2004, Ivan Rybkin disappeared. On February 8, Rybkin's wife wrote a statement about her husband's disappearance to the Arbat police station. On the same day, the Moscow GUVD opened a search file into his disappearance.
According to Rybkin's first explanations, on February 5, he decided to "take a break from the fuss" that was raised around him, and went to Kiev. Rybkin did not specify what kind of "fuss" it was. He turned off his mobile phones so that they would not interfere with his rest. “I have the right to two or three days of my personal life! - Rybkin said. - I often visit Kiev, my friends and I walk the streets, especially since there was good weather there this weekend. "
Ksenia Ponomareva, head of Rybkin's campaign headquarters, said: "If everything is really the way Rybkin says, then this is not an increase in the effectiveness of his election campaign, but the end of his political career." The main sponsor of Rybkin's election campaign, Boris Berezovsky, said that if everything is really the way Rybkin said, then "such a politician no longer exists." Former Prosecutor General of Russia Yuri Skuratov called the story of Rybkin's disappearance "a brilliant PR campaign, not without the help of Berezovsky." State Duma Deputy Nikolai Kovalyov said: “I think this is a PR project by Ksenia Ponomareva. This is her style, her approach. I assumed that the pause would last no more than four days. This stupid idea makes me laugh Homeric. What level do you need to reach in order to disappear and not leave the phone to your wife? And if Berezovsky also put his hand in, then this is already a parody of himself, the remnants of the former strategic thinking. "
According to A. Politkovskaya's book, Rybkin disappeared the next day after he publicly accused the administration of Vladimir Putin of involvement in the 1999 house bombings in Moscow, which became one of the reasons for the entry of troops into Chechnya and the start of the Second Chechen War. Five days later Rybkin appeared in Kiev.
According to Alexander Goldfarb's book, Rybkin later stated that he had been kidnapped and drugged by FSB agents.
Rybkin said that he was lured to Ukraine under the pretext of meeting with the Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov, but upon arrival he was informed that Maskhadov would be there in two hours and was offered a snack. "After that I ate a couple of sandwiches, after which I don't remember anything." After that, he was unconscious for four days. When he woke up on February 10, he was shown a video in which he performed "disgusting acts" with "terrible perverts." He was informed that this video would be made public if he did not stop participating in the presidential elections. Rybkin said he feared for his safety and would continue to race from abroad, but withdrew his candidacy on March 5, 2004, saying that he did not want to participate in "this farce," as he called the elections.
According to one of the versions, voiced in the documentary film "Berezovsky" by Andrei Kondrashov, released at the end of 2012 on the TV channel "Russia-1", Rybkin was taken to Ukraine for the purpose of murder, after which the presidential elections of 2004 were to be canceled, and all registered candidates, according to the law, had no right to run for office in new elections. Thus, Boris Berezovsky planned to eliminate Vladimir Putin from participating in the elections and bring his man to power. The plans to assassinate Rybkin were thwarted by the Ukrainian special services.
In response, Rybkin repeated in an interview with the Dozhd channel that he had gone to Kiev voluntarily “in order to confidentially meet with whoever he wanted to meet,” and learned that he was registered already in Kiev.
Further developments
Ivan Rybkin became one of the applicants for the march and rally in Moscow on Russian Flag Day on August 22, 2011.