MOSCOW, October 4 - RIA Novosti. The October 1993 putsch was not accidental - it was being prepared for two years and, as a result, actually killed people's confidence in the authorities, says Sergei Filatov, president of the Foundation for Social, Economic and Intellectual Programs, former head of Yeltsin's administration.
Twenty years ago, on October 3-4, 1993, clashes broke out in Moscow between supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and Russian President Boris Yeltsin (1991-1999). The confrontation between the two branches of Russian power, which lasted since the collapse of the USSR - the executive, represented by Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and the legislative, represented by the parliament - the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet) of the RSFSR, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, around the pace of reforms and methods of building a new state on October 3-4, 1993 into an armed conflict and ended with a tank shelling of the residence of the parliament - the House of Soviets (the White House).
Chronicle of the events of the political crisis in the fall of 1993 in RussiaTwenty years ago, in early October 1993, tragic events took place in Moscow that ended with the storming of the building of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the abolition of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet in Russia.The tension was building
"What happened on October 3-4, 1993, was not predetermined by one day. It was an event that was being pursued for two years. Over the course of two years, the tension was growing. And if you trace at least the congresses of people's deputies, it becomes clear that that it was a targeted struggle on the part of the Supreme Council against the reforms carried out by the government, "Filatov said at a multimedia round table on the topic:" October 1993 putsch. Twenty years later ... ", which took place in RIA Novosti on Friday.
According to him, the two first persons of the state - Boris Yeltsin and the head of the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet) of the RSFSR Ruslan Khasbulatov - failed to enter the "normal path of relations." Moreover, "absolute and deep mistrust" arose between the two top officials, he added.
Political scientist Leonid Polyakov agreed with this opinion.
"In essence, the 1993 putsch is a postponed GKChP of 1991. In 1991 these people, seeing hundreds of thousands of Muscovites who surrounded the White House, the leaders of the GKChP simply, as they say, were afraid. At first they frightened themselves by bringing the tanks to the capital. , and then they themselves were afraid of what they had done. But the forces that stood behind it, and the people who sincerely believed in what was destroyed in August 1991, they did not disappear. And two years followed, the most difficult, the hardest in our history, which fell on the collapse of the USSR and the disappearance of the state ... By October 1993, this explosive potential had accumulated, "- said Polyakov.
conclusions
Conclusions from the events of 1993, according to Filatov, can be made both positive and negative.
“The fact that we have eliminated the dual power is positive, the fact that we have adopted the Constitution is positive. And the fact that we actually killed people's trust in the authorities and this continued for all the other 20 years is an obvious fact that we have restored to this day. we can’t, ”he said.
In turn, the political scientist Polyakov expressed the hope that the events of 1993 were "the last Russian revolution."
Film about the events of 1993
During the round table, a film about the events of October 1993, filmed by RIA Novosti specialists in a web documentary format, was presented, which received world recognition due to the fact that the viewer has the ability to interact with the content and has more freedom of action than the viewer of a plot with a linear form of narration. where the course of history is predetermined by the director. This is the third RIA Novosti film in 2013 in an interactive format.
"For each of the participants in these events, it was a part of his life, a part of his inner history. And it was about these people that we wanted to tell in our film, an interactive video; to make it possible for them to see through their eyes, through their emotions, through their memories. those difficult days. Because now it seems to be some rather distant and somewhat unusual event in our country. I really hope that this will continue, because tanks firing from the embankment at the White House is an absolutely terrible sight. for every Muscovite and every resident of Russia it was something absolutely incredible ", - Ilya Lazarev, Deputy Editor-in-Chief of RIA Novosti, shared his memories.
The film contains photographs of people who were later found by RIA Novosti and who told about their memories of those events.
“We brought the photographs to life and tried to bring some episodes of the video into our present time ... Our colleagues, directors have been working on this format for three months - this is a very difficult story. this atmosphere, draw your own conclusions, but rather just get to know people who lived through this story and passed it through themselves, "Lazarev added.
As a result of the tragic events of October 3-4, 1993 in Moscow, the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation were liquidated. Prior to the election of the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, direct presidential rule was established in the Russian Federation. By the decree of October 7, 1993 "On legal regulation during the stage-by-stage constitutional reform in the Russian Federation", the President established that before the start of the work of the Federal Assembly, issues of a budgetary and financial nature, land reform, property, civil service and social employment of the population, previously decided by the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation are now carried out by the President of the Russian Federation. By another decree of October 7 "On the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation," the president actually abolished this body. Boris Yeltsin also issued a number of decrees terminating the activities of the representative bodies of power of the constituent entities of the Federation and local Soviets.
On December 12, 1993, a new Constitution of Russia was adopted, in which such a body of state power as the Congress of People's Deputies was no longer mentioned.
› 1993 White House Shooting: Implications for Russia [video]1993 White House Shooting: Implications for Russia [video]
In 1993, a historic event for Russia took place - the shooting of the White House. What are the reasons for this act of the authorities? Was this action legitimate? What are the victims of the action and its consequences for modern Russia? Has the impact of this event on the current processes in the country eroded or not?
In 1993, Americans shot the Russians in the backs
Have you ever experienced the feeling when just a few words turned your whole idea of something very important upside down? I experienced it when I got acquainted with excerpts from the work of the State Duma commission on impeachment of Boris Yeltsin, which studied the events of October 1993 in Moscow.
I was then 20 years old and in St. Petersburg those events in my environment were not particularly discussed: in principle, many were satisfied with the wording according to which the leader of the new Russia Yeltsin suppressed the creeping reptile of the Soviet counter-revolution, which consisted of the Supreme Soviet and several dozen lumpen, who passionately wanted street riots ... It was only embarrassing that the footage of the shooting of the White House was broadcast to the whole world by the American television channel CNN. When I once found myself in those places where the shooting was going on, I saw a wooden cross, flowers and inscriptions - that heroes who defended their country had died here. I confess, at that moment something trembled in my heart: “the rabble, as the supporters of the Supreme Soviet were presented by television, are not capable of remembering their comrades like that!
And now I am reading fragments of the report of the commission that collected accusatory materials against Boris Yeltsin with the aim of removing him from the presidency. A transcript of the meeting of the special commission on September 8, 1998, when General Viktor Sorokin, who in October 1993 held the post of deputy commander of the Airborne Forces, whose units took part in the operation to disperse the Russian parliament, testified. I will quote the most important passage:
“... somewhere around 8 o'clock, the units moved to the walls of the White House ... During the advance of the unit to the regiment, 5 people were killed and 18 were wounded. They shot from behind. I saw it myself. The shooting was carried out from the building of the American embassy ... All the dead and wounded were shot from behind ...
I found these lines in the book by Dmitry Rogozin “Hawks of the World. Diary of the Russian ambassador on pages 170 - 171. Dmitry Olegovich directly took part in the work of that commission and personally asked questions to the witness-general, and the text was taken from the minutes of the meeting.
Now think about these five words: “the shooting was conducted from the building of the American embassy ... That is, snipers fired at the servicemen of the Russian army in order to provoke aggression and force the soldiers, who saw the death of their comrades, to suppress the“ rebellion harshly and evil. It was extremely necessary to do this, because the paratroopers knew that they were going to fight with their own people, which means that some kind of devilry is happening! Naturally, everyone remembered the events of 2 years ago, when Soviet officers and soldiers refused to fight against Yeltsin's defenders, and there was a great risk that the young Russian army would not go against the people either.
Yegor Gaidar and snipers in October 1993 (Ren TV "Military Secret" 2009)
A bloody massacre outside the walls of the Russian parliament, when on October 3, 1993, the "main rescuer" Sergei Shoigu handed out a thousand machine guns to First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers Yegor Gaidar, who was preparing to "defend democracy" from the Constitution.
More than 1000 units. small arms (machine guns AKS-74U with ammunition!) from the Ministry of Emergency Situations were distributed by Yegor Gaidar into the hands of “defenders of democracy”, incl. Boxer fighters.
On the night before the shooting, crowds of Hasidim gathered near the Moscow City Council, where Yegor Gaidar called on TV at 20:40! And from the Mossoviet balcony, some simply called to kill "these pigs who call themselves Russian and Orthodox."
Alexander Korzhakov's book Boris Yeltsin: From Dawn Till Dusk reports that when Yeltsin scheduled the capture of the White House at 7 a.m. on October 4 with the arrival of tanks, the Alpha group refused to storm, considering everything that was unconstitutional and demanding the conclusion of the Constitutional Court. , where "Alpha" was dealt the most vile blow, as if a blueprint, was repeated in Moscow in October 1993.
Both here and there were involved "unknown" who shot in the back of the opposing sides. In one of the communities, our message about the snipers was followed by a comment that “these were Israeli snipers, disguised as athletes, were accommodated in the“ Ukraine ”hotel, from where they fired aimed.”
So where did those APCs with armed civilians (!) Come from, who opened fire on the defenders of the parliament FIRST, provoking all further bloodshed? By the way, the Emergencies Ministry had not only "white KAMAZ trucks" from which they distributed weapons at the Moscow City Council, but also armored vehicles!
A year earlier, on the night of November 1, 1992, Shoigu, sent by the same Gaidar (then acting prime minister) to Vladikavkaz to settle the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, handed over 57 T-72 tanks (along with the crews) to the North Ossetian militia.
I would not be surprised if, in addition to the official testimony of the general, who saw the shooting at the soldiers from the building of the American Embassy, there are witnesses from the defenders of the White House on October 93, who saw that the same arrows felled civilians - after all, the fact of the death of several hundred participants in the events and bystanders undeniable.
And, finally, the main thing: possessing such evidence, we can accuse the American government of the most direct interference in our internal affairs, because even if the snipers were not Americans, the provision of the roof of the sovereign embassy for such needs puts an end to the innocence of American intelligence in that bloodshed. The Americans got blood on their hands.
For me, this fact became a turning point in the assessment of modern Russian history: it turns out that the late Yeltsin not only used the services of economic advisers from the United States and political strategists who helped him win the 1996 elections (a feature film was even made about these events in the West), but actually sold himself and sold the country, allowing the Americans to participate in the carnage. By the way, the very armed massacre of the Supreme Soviet was provoked from the Kremlin: officially, negotiations were to take place between Yeltsin and Rutskoi, but they did not wait for the result and announced the order to open fire.
We are now very happy that in Ukraine the American protege of Yushchenko, whose legal wife worked for many years in US intelligence, has been excommunicated from power in Ukraine, but it turns out that our dear Boris Nikolayevich was with the United States on approximately the same friendly relations. And it also turns out that the American terror exported to Iraq took its first steps not at all in Serbia, when Belgrade was bombed in 1999, but on Moscow streets six years earlier.
Giving a new assessment of the events of 17 years ago, one should not fall into despondency, but honestly admit: yes, we were brutally fucked, deceiving in words and even shooting in the back, but it is very important to get to the bottom of the truth even after so many years. Yes, we were betrayed at the very top, but this does not mean that the entire people are ready to put up with it “after the age of years. The sacred words “No one is forgotten and nothing is forgotten begin to acquire a new, actual meaning. Let's be together, dear friends!
Sergey Stillavin
01.08.2013
Chronicle of the shooting of the White House and the establishment of "Constitutional Order"
(Dispersal of the Supreme Soviet of Russia)
1. Reasons for the shooting of the White House. There are at least three of them.
Formal- the discrepancy between the Soviet Constitution of the RSFSR of 1978, which established the power of the Supreme Soviet and was unbalanced by the removal of an article on the leading role of the party, with the realities of the presidential republic.
Real- the contradiction of the socio-economic course towards forced liberal transformations and plunder of the country to the interests of the majority of citizens in the context of the preservation of spontaneous mass democracy.
Operational- the desire of Boris Yeltsin's entourage to speed up a political cataclysm while it was not yet ripe for socio-economic reasons: in the spring of 1994, Yeltsin, according to calculations at the time, had no chance of retaining power.
2. The illegitimacy of the action. The shooting of the White House in 1993 was then very acutely experienced:
- The army did not support Yeltsin (the White House was shot by hired officer crews, then destroyed in Chechnya);
- The closest advisers did not support the shooting of the White House (the reason for Stankevich's disgrace was his refusal to directly support the shooting on television);
- Alexy II practically reached a compromise and began negotiations, unacceptable for the organizers of the conflict;
- The crux of the matter is a coup d'etat;
- The state has not dared to demolish the spontaneous memorial at the White House until now; attempts to destroy it under the guise of "repairing" the stadium are blocked by him.
3. Victims promotions. The organizers of the action carried out a deliberate destruction of people in order to "knock out" and intimidate the most active stratum of society, to discourage the people from the very idea of influencing their own destiny. According to available estimates, killed by an order of magnitude more official data - about 1500 people
4. Powerlessness of Rutskoy and Khasbulatov. Rutskoi and Khasbulatov as leaders turned out to be worse than Yeltsin. The abilities of the former were demonstrated during his governorship in the Kursk region (the practical disappearance of small business, even roadside business), while in the latter, Russia could come to a direct ethnic dictatorship (although there would most likely not be Chechen wars in their direct form).
5. Consequences of the action. They are as follows.
- Illegitimacy, lawlessness and permissiveness as a norm of life and a norm of power. Desacralization of power.
- The formation of an "occupation regime" - an outwardly democratic dictatorship, but in fact, an autocracy based on global corporations and the Russian mediacracy (hence Yeltsin's touching love for the media, which excites journalists so much).
- The transformation of political activity into a betrayal (Zyuganov became the sole leader of the Communist Party, as can be understood, precisely thanks to the public support of Yeltsin).
- Exposing and consolidating the bestial essence of the anti-Russian part of the intelligentsia.
- "Small victorious war" to increase the authority of the authorities, it is also a major commercial operation in the form of the Chechen war.
- The strategy of destroying Russia for the sake of enriching a handful of corrupt officials and oligarchs.
- A turning point: the people were finally deprived of real influence on the authorities, and the Russian Catastrophe, which continues to this day, became irreversible.
In the early years of the existence of the Russian Federation, the confrontation President Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council led to armed confrontation, the shooting of the White House and bloodshed. As a result, the system of government bodies that had existed since the times of the USSR was completely eliminated, and a new Constitution was adopted. AiF.ru recalls the tragic events of October 3-4, 1993.
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, according to the 1978 Constitution, was authorized to resolve all issues attributed to the jurisdiction of the RSFSR. After the USSR ceased to exist, the Supreme Soviet was the organ of the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (the highest authority) and still possessed tremendous power and authority, despite the amendments to the Constitution on the separation of powers.
Boris Yeltsin. October 2, 1993. Photo: www.russianlook.com
It so happened that the main law of the country, adopted under Brezhnev, limited the rights of the elected President of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, and he strove for the speedy adoption of a new Constitution.
In 1992-1993, a constitutional crisis erupted in the country. President Boris Yeltsin and his supporters, as well as the Council of Ministers, entered into a confrontation with the Supreme Council chaired by Ruslana Khasbulatova, most of the People's Deputies of the Congress and Vice President Alexander Rutskoi.
The conflict was connected with the fact that its parties represented the further political and socio-economic development of the country in completely different ways. They had especially serious disagreements over economic reforms, and no one was going to compromise.
Aggravation of the crisis
The crisis entered an active phase on September 21, 1993, when Boris Yeltsin announced in a televised address that he had issued a decree on a phased constitutional reform, according to which the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet were to cease their activities. He was supported by the Council of Ministers headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin and Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov.
However, according to the current Constitution of 1978, the president did not have the authority to dissolve the Supreme Soviet and the Congress. His actions were regarded as unconstitutional, the Supreme Council decided to terminate the powers of President Yeltsin. Ruslan Khasbulatov even called his actions a coup d'etat.
In the weeks that followed, the conflict only escalated. Members of the Supreme Soviet and people's deputies were effectively blocked in the White House, where communications and electricity were cut off and there was no water. The building was cordoned off by police and military personnel. In turn, opposition volunteers were given weapons to guard the White House.
The assault on Ostankino and the shooting of the White House
The situation of dual power could not last too long and ultimately led to riots, armed confrontation and the shooting of the House of Soviets.
On October 3, supporters of the Supreme Soviet gathered for a rally on October Square, then moved to the White House and unblocked it. Vice President Alexander Rutskoy urged them to take by storm the mayor's office on Novy Arbat and Ostankino. The building of the city hall was seized by armed demonstrators, but when they tried to get into the television center, tragedy broke out.
For the defense of the television center in "Ostankino" arrived a detachment of special forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs "Vityaz". An explosion occurred in the ranks of the soldiers, from which Private Nikolai Sitnikov died.
After that, the "Knights" began to shoot at the crowd of supporters of the Supreme Soviet, who had gathered at the television center. The broadcasting of all TV channels from Ostankino was interrupted, only one channel remained on the air, broadcasting from another studio. The attempt to storm the television center was unsuccessful and led to the deaths of a number of demonstrators, servicemen, journalists and bystanders.
The next day, October 4, troops loyal to President Yeltsin began an assault on the House of Soviets. Tanks fired at the White House. A fire broke out in the building, due to which its facade was half blackened. The shots of the shelling then spread around the world.
Onlookers gathered to watch the shooting of the White House, who endangered themselves, as they came into the field of view of snipers located on neighboring houses.
In the afternoon, the defenders of the Supreme Soviet began to leave the building en masse, and by evening they stopped resistance. Opposition leaders, including Khasbulatov and Rutskoi, were arrested. In 1994, the participants in these events were amnestied.
The tragic events of late September - early October 1993 claimed the lives of more than 150 people, about 400 people were injured. Among the dead were journalists who covered what was happening, and many ordinary citizens. October 7, 1993 was declared a day of mourning.
After October
The events of October 1993 led to the fact that the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies ceased to exist. The system of state bodies left over from the times of the USSR was finally eliminated.
Before the elections to the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, all power was in the hands of President Boris Yeltsin.
On December 12, 1993, a popular vote on the new Constitution and elections to the State Duma and the Federation Council were held.
Dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation
(also known as " Shooting of the White House», « Shooting of the House of Soviets», « October uprising of 1993», « Decree 1400», « October putsch», "Yeltsin coup of 1993") - an internal political conflict in the Russian Federation September 21 - October 4, 1993. It happened as a result of a constitutional crisis that has been developing since 1992.
The result of the confrontation was the forcible termination of the Soviet model of power that had existed since 1917 in Russia, accompanied by armed clashes on the streets of Moscow and subsequent uncoordinated actions of the troops, during which at least 157 people died and 384 were wounded (of which on October 3 and 4 - 124 people , 348 wounded).
The crisis was the result of the confrontation between two political forces: on the one hand, the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin (see the All-Russian referendum on April 25, 1993), the government headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin, some of the people's deputies and members of the Supreme Soviet - the president's supporters, and on the other hand - opponents of the socio-economic policy of the president and the government: Vice-President Alexander Rutskoy, the main part of the People's Deputies and members of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, the majority of which was the Russian Unity bloc, which included representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Fatherland faction "(Radical communists, retired military men and deputies of a socialist orientation)," Agrarian Union ", the deputy group" Russia ", led by the initiator of the unification of communist and nationalist parties Sergei Baburin.
The events began on September 21 with the publication by President Boris N. Yeltsin of Decree No. 1400 on the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet, which violated the then existing Constitution. Immediately after the issuance of this decree, Yeltsin was de jure automatically removed from the presidency in accordance with Article 121.6 of the current constitution. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, which met on the same day, which monitors the observance of the constitution, stated this legal fact. The Congress of People's Deputies confirmed this decision and assessed the president's actions as a coup d'etat. However, Boris Yeltsin de facto continued to exercise the powers of the President of Russia.
A significant role in the tragic outcome was played by the personal ambitions of the chairman of the Supreme Soviet Ruslan Khasbulatov, expressed in his unwillingness to conclude compromise agreements with the administration of Boris Yeltsin during the conflict, as well as Boris Yeltsin himself, who, after the signing of decree No. 1400, refused to speak directly with Khasbulatov even by phone.
According to the conclusion of the State Duma commission, a significant role in exacerbating the situation was played by the actions of Moscow police officers to disperse rallies and demonstrations in support of the Supreme Soviet and detain their active participants from September 27 to October 2, 1993, which in some cases took on the character of mass beatings of protesters with the use of special equipment.
Since October 1, with the mediation of Patriarch Alexy II under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church, negotiations have been held between the opposing sides, at which it was proposed to develop a "zero option" - simultaneous re-election of the president and people's deputies. The continuation of these negotiations, scheduled for 16:00 on October 3, did not take place due to the outbreak of riots in Moscow, an armed attack by a group of defenders of the Supreme Soviet led by Albert Makashov at the call of and. about. President Alexander Rutskoi to the mayor's office and the departure of a group of armed supporters of the Supreme Soviet in stolen army trucks to the Ostankino television center.
Opinions about the position of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, headed by V.D.Zorkin, differ: in the opinion of the judges themselves and supporters of the Congress, he remained neutral; in the opinion of Yeltsin's side, he participated on the side of the Congress.
The investigation of the events was not completed, the investigation group was disbanded after in February 1994 the State Duma adopted a decision on amnesty for those who participated in the events of September 21 - October 4, 1993, related to the issuance of Decree No. 1400, and opposed its implementation. regardless of the qualification of actions under the articles of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. As a result, society still does not have unequivocal answers to a number of key questions about the tragic events that took place - in particular, about the role of political leaders who spoke on both sides, about the belonging of snipers who shot at civilians and police officers, actions of provocateurs, about who is to blame for the tragic outcome.
There are only versions of the participants and eyewitnesses of the events, the investigator of the disbanded investigative group, publicists and the commission of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, headed by the communist Tatyana Astrakhankina, who came to Moscow from Rzhev at the end of September 1993 to protect the House of Soviets, which party comrades, in particular Alexey Podberezkin, called "Orthodox".
In accordance with the new Constitution, adopted by popular vote on December 12, 1993 and in force with some amendments to the present, the President of the Russian Federation received significantly broader powers than under the Constitution of 1978 in force at that time (with amendments 1989-1992). The post of vice-president of the Russian Federation was eliminated.
Outcome
The victory of President Yeltsin, the elimination of the post of vice-president, the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, the termination of the activities of the Councils of People's Deputies. Establishment of a presidential republic as a form of government in Russia to replace the previously existing Soviet republic.
President of Russia
Council of Ministers of Russia
Administration of the President of Russia
Supporters of the President of the Russian Federation Boris N. Yeltsin:
Democratic Russia
Living ring
August-91
Public-patriotic association of volunteers - defenders of the White House in August 1991 in support of democratic reforms "Detachment" Russia ""
Democratic union
Afghan Veterans Union
Taman division
Kantemirovsk division
119th Guards Airborne Regiment
Separate motorized rifle division of special purpose named after. Dzerzhinsky
1st special-purpose detachment of the internal troops "Vityaz".
Congress of People's Deputies of Russia
Supreme Soviet of Russia
Vice President of Russia
Supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation, including:
- National Salvation Front (FNS)
- « Russian national unity» ( RNU, by the name of the leader also “ Barkashovites», « Guard Barkashov»)
- "Labor Russia" other.
Commanders from the side of Boris Yeltsin -
Boris Yeltsin
Viktor Chernomyrdin
Egor Gaidar
Pavel Grachev
Victor Erin
Valery Evnevich
Alexander Korzhakov
Anatoly Kulikov
Boris Polyakov
Sergey Lysyuk
Nikolay Golushko
White House commanders (for Soviet power):
Alexander Rutskoy,
Ruslan Khasbulatov
Alexander Barkashov
Vladislav Achalov
Stanislav Terekhov
Albert Makashov
Victor Anpilov
Victor Barannikov
Andrey Dunaev
Citizens who died as a result of the storming of the House of Soviets and mass shootings in the area of the House of Soviets on October 4-5, 1993
1. Abakhov Valentin Alekseevich
2. Abrashin Alexey Anatolievich
3. Adamlyuk Oleg Yuzefovich
4. Alienkov Sergey Mikhailovich
5. Artamonov Dmitry Nikolaevich
6. Boyarsky Evgeny Stanislavovich
7. Britov Vladimir Petrovich
8. Bronius Jurgelenis Juno
9. Bykov Vladimir Ivanovich
10.Valevich Viktor Ivanovich
11. Verevkin Roman Vladimirovich
12. Vinogradov Evgeny Alexandrovich
13. Vorobiev Alexander Veniaminovich
14. Vylkov Vladimir Yurievich
15. Gulin Andrey Konstantinovich
16. Devonissky Alexey Viktorovich
17. Demidov Yuri Ivanovich
18. Deniskin Andrey Alekseevich
19. Denisov Roman Vladimirovich
20. Duz Sergey Vasilievich
21. Evdokimenko Valentin Ivanovich
22. Yegovtsev Yuri Leonidovich
23. Ermakov Vladimir Alexandrovich
24. Zhilka Vladimir Vladimirovich
25. Ivanov Oleg Vladimirovich
26. Kalinin Konstantin Vladimirovich
27. Katkov Viktor Ivanovich
28. Klimov Yuri Petrovich
29. Klyuchnikov Leonid Alexandrovich
30. Kovalev Viktor Alekseevich
31. Kozlov Dmitry Valerievich
32. Kudryashev Anatoly Mikhailovich
33. Kurgin Mikhail Alekseevich
34. Kurennoy Anatoly Nikolaevich
35. Kurysheva Marina Vladimirovna
36. Leibin Yuri Viktorovich
37. Livshits Igor Elizarovich
38. Manevich Anatoly Naumovich
39. Dmitry Marchenko
40. Matyukhin Kirill Viktorovich
41. Morozov Anatoly Vasilievich
42. Pavel Anatolievich Mosharov
43. Sergei Vladimirovich Nelyubov
44. Obukh Dmitry Valerievich
45. Pavlov Vladimir Anatolievich
46. Panteleev Igor Vladimirovich
47. Papin Igor Vyacheslavovich
48. Parnyugin Sergei Ivanovich
49. Peskov Yuri Evgenievich
50. Pestryakov Dmitry Vadimovich
51. Pimenov Yuri Alexandrovich
52. Polstyanova Zinaida Alexandrovna
53. Rudnev Anatoly Semenovich
54.Saygidova Patimat Gatinamagomedovna
55. Salib Assaf
56. Svyatozarov Valentin Stepanovich
57. Seleznev Gennady Anatolyevich
58. Sidelnikov Alexander Vasilievich
59.Smirnov Alexander Veniaminovich
60. Spiridonov Boris Viktorovich
61. Spitsin Andrey Yurievich
62.Sursky Anatoly Mikhailovich
63. Timofeev Alexander Lvovich
64. Dmitry Fadeev
65. Fimin Vasily Nikolaevich
66. Hanush Fadi
67. Sergey Khloponin
68. Khusainov Malik Khaidarovich
69. Chelyshev Mikhail Mikhailovich
70. Chelyakov Nikolay Nikolaevich
71. Chernyshev Alexander Vladimirovich
72. Choporov Vasily Dmitrievich
73. Shalimov Yuri Viktorovich
74. Stanislav Shevyrev
75. Yudin Gennady Valerievich
Citizens who died in other districts of Moscow and the Moscow region in connection with the coup d'etat on September 21 - October 5, 1993
1. Alferov Pavel Vladimirovich
2. Bondarenko Vyacheslav Anatolievich
3. Vorobyeva Elena Nikolaevna
4. Drobyshev Vladimir Andronovich
5. Dukhanin Oleg Alexandrovich
6. Kozlov Alexander Vladimirovich
7. Malysheva Vera Nikolaevna
9. Novokas Sergey Nikolaevich
10. Ostapenko Igor Viktorovich
11. Solokha Alexander Fedorovich
12. Tarasov Vasily Anatolievich
Servicemen and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs who died while performing tasks to support a coup d'etat
1. Alekseev Vladimir Semenovich
2. Baldin Nikolay Ivanovich
3. Boyko Alexander Ivanovich
4. Gritsyuk Sergey Anatolyevich
5. Drozdov Mikhail Mikhailovich
6. Korovushkin Roman Sergeevich
7. Korochensky Anatoly Anatolyevich
8. Korshunov Sergey Ivanovich
9. Krasnikov Konstantin Kirillovich
10. Lobov Yuri Vladimirovich
11. Mavrin Alexander Ivanovich
12. Milchakov Alexander Nikolaevich
13. Mikhailov Alexander Valerievich
14. Pankov Alexander Egorovich
15. Panov Vladislav Viktorovich
16. Petrov Oleg Mikhailovich
17.Rashtuk Vladimir Grigorievich
18. Romanov Alexey Alexandrovich
19. Ruban Alexander Vladimirovich
20. Savchenko Alexander Romanovich
21.Sviridenko Valentin Vladimirovich
22.Sergeev Gennady Nikolaevich
23.Sitnikov Nikolay Yurievich
24.Smirnov Sergey Olegovich
25. Farelyuk Anton Mikhailovich
26. Khikhin Sergey Anatolievich
27. Shevarutin Alexander Nikolaevich
28. Shishaev Ivan Dmitrievich