Political figure, publicist. Born in Kiev in the family of professor of the history of Kiev University. He graduated from the 2nd Kiev Gymnasium and the Faculty of Law of the Kiev University (1900). From the student years he was anti-Semit, but was against Jewish pogroms.
Since 1907 he devoted himself entirely to political activities. He was a deputy II - IV State Duma from the Volyn province. In the Duma soon became one of the leaders of the right - monarchical group of nationalist progressists and one of the best speakers. He welcomed the acceleration of the II of Duma, called her "the spirit of people's wrath and ignorance."
In the III Duma supported P.A. Stolypin and his reforms, advocated harsh measures against revolutionaries, defended the idea of \u200b\u200bintroducing the death penalty.
In 1914, he left a volunteer to the front was wounded. The unpretentiousness of the Russian army to war, the army retreat in 1915 shocked him. In Duma returned to a decisive opponent of the government.
In August 1915, a progressive block was elected in the State Duma, which set his task to create a government responsible for the Duma. V.V. Schulgin was elected to the management of the progressive block. From the stands of the State Duma, he called on "to fight power until she leaves." On February 27, 1917, a revolutionary crowd burst into the Tauride Palace, where the Duma meets.
Later V.V. Schulgin will give the feeling of the moment: "Soldiers, workers, students, intellectuals, just people ... They poured a confused Tauride Palace. ... But how many of them were - everyone had the same face: vul - animal - stupid or Gnusly - devilish - evil ... machine guns - that's what I wanted. "
February 27, 1917 by the Council of Elders Duma V.V. Shulgin was elected to the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, which took the functions of the government. The Interim Committee decided that Emperor Nicholas II should immediately renounce the throne in favor of Alexei's son with the regent of his brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.
March 2 to the king in Pskov for negotiations the Interim Committee sent V.V. Schulgin and A.I. Guccov. But Nicholas II signed an act of renunciation from the throne in favor of the brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.
Best days
March 03, V.V. Shulgin took part in the negotiations with the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, as a result of which he refused to take the throne to the decision of the Constituent Assembly. April 26, 1917 V.V. Schulgin admitted: "I will not say that the whole Duma wishes the revolution entirely; all this would be wrong .... but, not even wanting this, we did the revolution."
V.V. Shulgin strongly supported the temporary government, but seeing his inability to restore order in the country, in early October 1917 moved to Kiev. He headed the Russian National Union.
After the October Revolution, V.V. Schulgin created in Kiev the underground organization "ABC" in order to combat Bolshevism. In November-December 1917, he went to Don to Novocherkassk, participated in the creation of a white volunteer army. Seeing the decomposition of a white movement, wrote: "The white case began almost with the saints, but they finished it almost that robbers."
From the end of 1918, edited by the newspaper "Russia", then "Great Russia", singing monarchical and nationalist principles and purity of the "white idea". After the end of the civil war, emigrated.
In 1925-1926 illegally arrived in Russia, visited Kiev, Moscow, Leningrad. A visit to the USSR described in the book "Three Capitals", summed up his impressions with the words: "When I walked there, I didn't have a homeland. Now I have it." From the 30s. He lived in Yugoslavia.
In 1937, he moved away from political activities. When in 1944, Soviet troops entered the territory of Yugoslavia, V.V. Shulgin was arrested and transmitted to Moscow. For "hostile communism and anti-Soviet activity" he was sentenced to 25 years. The term has departed in the Vladimir prison, worked on memories. After the death of I.V. Stalin in the period of broad amnesty political prisoners in 1956 was released, settled in Vladimir.
In the 1960s Calling emigration to abandon the hostile attitude to the USSR. In 1965, he starred in a documentary film "Before Court of History": V.V. Shulgin, sitting in the Catherine Hall of the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma has been meeting, answered the questions of the historian.
He was the guest of the XXII Congress of the CPSU (October 1961), which adopted a new party program - a program for the construction of communism. His Peru belongs to the memories: "Days" (1925), "1920s" (1921), "Three Capitals" (1927), "Adventures of Prince Vorontetsky" (1934).
Shulgin, Vasily Vitalyevich(1878-1976), Russian politician. 1 (13) January 1878 was born in Kiev in the family of V.Ya. Shulgin, professor of the history of the Kiev University and founder of the Right-Nationalist newspaper Kievanin, who died in the year of his birth. Sitter Minister of Finance N.H. Bung. He was brought up with stepfather, D.I.pikhno, Professor of Political Economics of the Kiev University, who took over the editing of Kyivlyanin. He studied in the Second Kiev Gymnasium and at the Faculty of Faculty of the Kiev University; The student years have formed its denominianistic and anti-Semitic beliefs. At the end of the university in 1900 was elected Zemsky vowels; He became the leading journalist "Kievanin". During the Russian-Japanese war, 1904-1905 was called up to the army in the rank of ensign of the stock of field engineering troops and served in the 14th sapper battalion; In hostilities did not participate.
In 1907-1917 - Deputy of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th State Duma from the Volyn province, where there was land ownership (three hundred tenthenes of land in the village of Kurgan); Member of the monarchist fraction of nationalists; Received wide fame as one of the leaders of the right camp. Abruptly criticized the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907 and actively supported the policy of P.A.Stolapine. In 1908 opposed the abolition of the death penalty. In 1911 he headed the editorial office of Kyivlyanin. Despite its anti-Semitism, he condemned Jewish pogroms. During the process, M. Bailis in September 1913 accused the prosecutor's office in the presentation of the case; The Kyivlyanin number with his critical article was confiscated, and he himself in 1914 sentenced to a three-month imprisonment. In the same year, published the first part of the historical novel (In the country of freedom).
With the beginning of the First World War, I went to the front volunteer; He fought under Mamolem as part of the 166th Rivne Infantry Regiment. After the injury, he was submitted to the disposal of the South-Western regional land organization and became the head of the advanced dressing and nutrient detachment. In early 1915, he founded a faction "progressive Russian nationalists" in the Duma. In August 1915, he entered the leadership of the progressive block, which united nationalists, the Octobrists, cadets, progressors and the centrists; Member of the Special Defense Meeting. The government was discovered for the inept warming of war and the collapse of the rear; He opposed the arrest and conviction of the Bolsheviks deputies.
During the February Revolution on February 27 (March 12), 1917 was elected a member of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma. Impeded every effort to stop the development of the revolution. Participated in the formation of the first temporary government, offering as his head MV Prodzianko. 2 (15) Martha, together with A.I.Guchkov, went to Pskov to Nikolai II, offering him on behalf of the Provisional Committee to refuse to power Alexey's son; The emperor, however, signed an act of renunciation in favor of his brother Mikhail. March 3 (16), upon returning to Petrograd, participated in the negotiations with Mikhail, who ended with the refusal of the Grand Duke from the Russian throne.
Accused the temporary government in weakness and indecision. Took part in a meeting of public figures in Moscow 8-10 (21-23) August 1917, condemned the decomposing activities of advice in the rear and at the front and called for a decisive fight against them; He elected a member of the Permanent Council of Public Workers. 14 (27) August acted at the State Meeting in Moscow with a speech against the abolition of the death penalty, against election committees in the army and autonomy of Ukraine. He considered the cooperation of Prime Minister A.F. Jarensky with the commander-in-chief of L.G. Kornilov in the restoration of order in Russia. During the Cornilov presentation, he was on the decree of the local committee for the protection of the revolution on August 30 (September 12) 1917 arrested in Kiev, and his newspaper is prohibited. Coming out of prison, founded in Kiev in early October 1917 Russian National Union; Refused to participate in the predirement. He was nominated by the Candidate Assembly with Crimean monarchists.
October coup met hostile. In November 1917, he created in Kiev the secret monarchical organization "ABC" to combat the Bolsheviks. At the same time, the edition of Kyivlyanin resumed, criticizing the separatist policy of the Central Rada (the Supreme Authority in Ukraine, created by local nationalists). In November-December, Novocherkassk visited, where negotiations were negotiating with the leaders of the White Movement M.V. Alexseev and L.G. Kornilov. In January 1918, after taking the Bolsheviks, Kiev was arrested and avoided the execution only due to the intercession of the prominent manual of the RSDLP (b) G.L. Pyatakov. In late January 1918, remaining a solid supporter of the Union of Russia with the Entente, the Brest Lithuanian Agreement of the Central Rada with Germany decidedly condemned. When in early March 1918, German troops entered Kiev, in protest he stopped publishing his newspaper. It was in a constant context with the command of the Volunteer Army and with the leadership of the Anti-Bolshevik National Center, organized in Moscow in May 1918. He was engaged in recruitment of officers to send them into a voluntary army. In August 1918 he moved to Ekaterinodar to General A.D. Denikin; Together with General A.M.Dagomirov developed Regulations on the Special Meeting at the Supreme Director of the Volunteer Army, Legally, issuing a control system in the territories occupied by white. I was actually the main ideologue of the White Movement in the south of Russia; Published in Ekaterinodar the monarchical newspaper "Russia" (then "Great Russia"). Founded the South Russian National Center, which sets his task to restoration of the constitutional monarchy; As a candidate for the Russian throne, the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich was put forward. From November 1918 settled in Odessa. In January 1919, he headed the Commission on National Affairs at a special meeting. I called A.I. Denikin immediately implement agrarian reform. In August 1919 moved to busy Kiev; Resumed the edition of Kyivlyanin, where he published the lists of the shifted CC and at the same time condemned the Denikintsev for violence over the civilian population and Jewish pogroms, which considered detachment for the white case.
After the defeat of the troops, A.I. Denikina in the fall of 1919 returned to Odessa. When G.I. Kotovsky's squads in February 1920 took the city, took part in the colonel of the Colonel of Chatelli, along with his wife and two sons to the Romanian border, but the Romanian military did not miss them in Bessarabia. Some time was hiding in Odessa, and then managed to move to the Crimea to General P. N.Vrangel.
After the introduction of the Red Army, in the Crimea in November 1920, they ran along with the younger son Dmitry to Constantinople. Trying to find his Son of Veniamine missing in the Crimea, in September 1921 secretly arrived in Gurzuf, but his searches were completed. In 1921-1922, he was part of the Russian Council created by P.N.Vrangel, as the Russian government in exile. Settled in Yugoslavia in the city of Sremsky Carcovitsa; Posted by two memories books - 1920 and Days. In 1925-1926, in search of the Son again secretly visited Soviet Russia; visited Kiev, Moscow and Leningrad; described his journey to essay Three capitalsin which he expressed the hope of the internal rebirth of the Bolshevik regime and the restoration of strong Russian statehood. Upon returning from Russia continued active journalistic and literary and artistic activities. In 1930 issued an anti-Semitic brochure What we don't like themin which he laughed in the Jews the blame for the Bolshevik revolution, in 1934 - the second part of the historical novel Adventures of Prince Vorontetsky (In the country of captivity), and in 1939 - work Ukrainian and wedirected against Ukrainian nationalists. In 1937 refused to participate in the political life of Russian emigration.
Testing sympathy for fascism (primarily in his Italian version) and endorsed in 1938, Avshlus Austria, he crossed, however, with the beginning of World War II on anti-grand position, seeing the national interests of Russia in Hitlerism. After seizing the Germans, Yugoslavia in April 1941 refused any contact with the invaders.
In October 1944, when Soviet troops entered Yugoslavia, they were arrested by Soloral employees. In January 1945, sent to the USSR; For "anti-Soviet activity" sentenced to a long imprisonment. Saved a term in the Vladimir prison. After liberation in 1956 it remained to live in Vladimir, where he wrote a book Years About its ten-year work in the Duma (1907-1917). In the early 1960s, he turned with two open letters to Russian emigration, having encouraged her to abandon the hostile attitude to the USSR. Died in Vladimir on February 15, 1976.
Works: Recent days. Kharkov, 1910; In the country of freedom. Kiev, 1914; 1920 . Sofia, 1921; Days. Belgrade, 1925; Three capitals. Berlin, 1927; What do we don't like them: about anti-Semitism in Russia. Paris, 1930; Adventures of Prince Vorontetsky. Belgrade, 1934; Ukrainian and we. Belgrade, 1939; Years. M., 1979.
Ivan Krivushin
Source - Wikipedia
Date of birth: 1 (13) January 1878
Place of birth: Kiev, Russian Empire
Date of death: February 15, 1976 (98 years)
Place of death: Vladimir, USSR
Citizenship: the subjects of the Russian Empire, then without citizenship
Education: Lawyer. Kiev University of St. Vladimir
Religion: Orthodox
Party: All-Russian National Union
Basic ideas: Monarchism Nationalism anti-Semitism Russia United, Great and indivisible
Business: State Duma Deputy, Publicist
Vasily Vitalyevich Shulgin (January 1, 1878 [K 1], Kiev - February 15, 1976, Vladimir) - Russian political and public figure, publicist. From the hereditary nobles of the Volyn province. The deputy of the second, third and fourth state Dum, who accepted the renunciation of Nicholas II. One of the organizers and ideologues of the White Movement. Russian nationalist and monarchist.
Youth
Vasily Shulgin was born in Vasilyev evening 1 (13) January 1878 in Kiev in the family of Historian Vitaly Yakovlevich Schulgin (1822-1878). Father died when the boy was not yet and years, and Vasily brought up stepfather, scientist-economist Dmitry Ivanovich Pikhno, the editor of the newspaper Kyivlyanin (replaced the father of Vasily Schulgin), subsequently a member of the State Council. With stepfather, Schulgin had warm, friendly relations [K 2]. As Schulgin himself subsequently, the formation of his political views and worldview occurred under the influence of the stepfather, and until his death for all political events in the country, Shulgin "watched his eyes." Sulgin's shaft was a professor of the University of St. Vladimir, afterwards the Minister of Finance of the Russian Empire N. Kh. Bungj. In 1895, Shulgin graduated from the second Kiev gymnasium with rather mediocre assessments: in the certificate of maturity, he had "Troika", in particular, in Russian, history, Latin, in particular from eleven items. That same year, he entered the Kiev Imperial University of St. Vladimir to study the right at the Law Faculty. At the end of the university in 1900 he entered the mechanical department, but, after studying only one year, left him. A negative attitude towards revolutionary ideas was formed by him still at the university when he constantly became an eyewitness of unrest organized by revolutionary students. At the same time, his political views were formed. Schulgin himself in mature years so recalled about this time: "I have become anti-Semite at the last year of the university. And on the same day, and for the same reasons, I became the "right", "conservative", "nationalist", "white", well, in the word what I am now ... ". Shulgin was a very erudite man, knew several foreign languages, played guitar, piano and violin. At forty years became a vegetarian. Schulgin passed the usual conscript who had a complete secondary education, one-year term service in the army (3rd Saporny Brigade) and in 1902 was dismissed to the reserve in the standard for such a call to the rank of fire engineering troops. After he went to the Volyn province, where he got his family and was engaged in agriculture (first in the village of Agatovka of the Burinsky parish of the Ostrog County, and since 1905 it was settled in his estate Kurgan, where he lived until 1907), by writing the novel "Adventures of Prince Yanos Vorontetsky" [To 3] and earthly affairs - he was appointed a "guardian for fire and insurance cases." It also became an honorary justice judge and the Zemskiy vowels of the Ostrog County. Such life lasted until 1905, when in September he was called to the Russian-Japanese war, which ended before Shulgin reached the front; However, he continued to serve since September to December 1905, the junior officer in the 14th Sapørnaya battalion in Kiev. After the publishing of Manifesto on October 17, 1905, unrest began in Kiev, and Shulgin, together with his soldiers, took part in the cultivation of Jewish pogroms. Schulin adopted a journalist to his newspaper, where, under the influence of the revolutionary events of 1905, Shulgin began to print his articles (from September 1913, Shulgin became the editor of this newspaper). The talent of Schulgin-journalist was marked as contemporaries and researchers of his heritage. Shulgin was very fruit - in the Damigrant period, his article appeared every two to three days, and even daily. At the same time, Shulgin joined the Union of the Russian People (SRN), and then to the Russian People's Union named after Mikhail Archangel, since he considered His leader V. M. Purishkevich more energetic than the leader of the SRN A. I. Dubrovin.
At its first elections, in the II Duma - Shulgin showed himself a skillful agitator. He was elected as a landowner from the Volyn province (where there were 300 tents of the Earth) at first in II, and later in the III and IV of the Duma, where he was one of the leaders of the "right-wing faction", and then the moderate party of Russian nationalists - the All-Russian National Union and Solidarity with VNS Organizations - Kiev Club of Russian Nationalists. With the course of time, Shulgin from the right flank (II Duma) passed on more and more moderate positions, gradually approaching the center in the face of Okabristov (III Duma), and then cadets (IV Duma). Historian D. I. Babkov believed that such a change in Schulgin's position was due to the unconditional desire to bring Russia to victory in the war, so he, remaining the right and monarchist, was ready to go to the union with those forces that proclaimed the slogan "War to the Victory end. According to Babkov, Shulgin believed that neither the right, nor the royal government would not be able to bring the country to victory. Schulgin changed and attitude towards the Duma work. Schulgin recalled that in childhood he "... hated parliament." The similar attitude was at Schulgin and to the second Duma, whose deputy he was chosen spontaneously and contrary to his own desire: "When one says something, then another says something, and then something is screaming together, at least threatened with fists And shoved to disperse beer, what kind of "struggle" is indeed? I was boring and disgusting to nausea. " But during the work of the III of the Duma, he "pulled" into parliamentary work. He wrote to the deputy of the IV Duma in the letter of his sister L. V. Mogilevsky in 1915: "Do not think that we do not work. The State Duma does everything that may; Support it with all the forces - in it life, "in April 1917, when, as a result of the revolution, Russia remained without a representative body, Shulgin wrote:" Thinking Russia without a popular representation ... Not a single fanatic will be solved. " Schulgin was a great speaker. Speaking in the Duma, Schulgin spoke quietly and politely, always remaining calm and ironically parrying attacks of opponents, for which he received the nickname "Point Snake." The Soviet publicist D. Zaslavsky described such words to the Shulgin of his Duma opponents: "He was hated more than Purishkevich, more than Large, sketching and other Duma storms and scandalists." Schulgin himself later recalled his Duma speeches: I was somehow in battle. Scary? No ... It's terrible to speak in the State Duma ... Why? I do not know ... Maybe because the whole of Russia is listening ... - Shulgin V. V. Days Shulgin wrote poems and successfully competed in the Duma period in the political poems with V. M. Purishkevich, a master of political parody and epigram. The poem V. V. Shulgin "Pal Bogatyr. On the feast bed "became a poetic epigraph published Purishevich" Books of Russian Grief ". Meeting Hall of the State Duma. Here, as Schulgin recalled, he loved to come in the evening and reflecting alone in the II and III thinks Schulgin supported the government of P. A. Stolypin both in reforms and aware of the suppression of the revolutionary movement, including the introduction of military field courts. He was accepted several times Nicholas II.
With the beginning World War II Schulgin left the volunteer to the South-West Front by the aspenter of the 166th Rivne Infantry Regiment. In the spring of 1915, almost immediately after arriving in the existing army, it was injured in the attack under Mamochl. The wound was such that the future service in the army was not already walked. Subsequently, he was headed by a front nutritional and dressing point, organized on the means of Zemstvo organizations (a sanitary squad of the South-West Zemstvo organization). At the time of the Duma sessions, as a deputy of the Duma, had the opportunity to leave the detachment to the capital at their meetings. It was shocked by the terrible organization and supply of the army. There was a member of a special meeting on defense. In 1915, he unexpectedly opposed the arrest and condemnation in a criminal article, despite the deputy inviolability, the Social Democratic Deputies of the Duma, calling it a "large state mistake". 13 (26) August 1915, he came out of the Duma faction of nationalists and together with V. A. Bobrinsky formed a "progressive group of nationalists", becoming a comrade of the chairman of the faction, however, due to the frequent congesters, Bobrinsky actually headed the group. Together with many deputies, the Duma (from the extreme right before the Octobrists and Cadets) participated in the creation of a progressive bloc in which he saw the Union of the "conservative and liberal part of society", and became part of his leadership, brings closer to his former political opponents. Fame received Schulgina's speech 3 (16) of November 1916, which became a peculiar continuation of the leader of the Cadets of P. N. Milyukov. In it, Schulgin expressed doubt that the government could bring Russia to victory, and therefore called "fighting this power until she won't leave." In his speech at the last meeting of the Duma 15 (28) of February 1917, Schulgin called the king of the opponent of all that, "what, like air, a country is necessary."
Russian revolutions of 1917
Schulgin as part of the Committee of the State Duma
Events in Petrograd February 26-28
Without delight, he met Shulgin February Revolution. He wrote: From the very first moment ... the disgust poured my soul, and since then did not leave me for all the duration of the "Great" Russian revolution. The endless jet of the human water supply dropped in the Duma. All new and new faces in the Duma ... But how much it was - everyone had one face: the nasty-animal-blunt or vile-devilish-malicious ... God, as it was gadko! ... so gadko, that, Hiring his teeth, I felt one more sad, powerless and therefore even more angry rabies ... machine guns! Machine gunners - that's what I wanted. For I felt that only the tongue of the machine guns was available to the street crowd and that only he, lead, can drive back in his berroda ran away to freedom of terrible beast ... Alas - this beast was ... His Majesty is the Russian people ... - Shulgin V. V. Day.
These "machine guns" will subsequently become in some kind of waters. The echoes of the rejection of Petrogradsky streets of revolutionary days, and in a later description in the film "Before the Court of History" (1965). The rebels Petrogradtsy, according to the testimony of the Schulgin - Film Church, appear as "a solid random crowd, a gray-red soldier and a blackboard work-made mass." Historian Oleg Budnitsky, however, believed that Shulgin considered it in those days in Petrograd as "less evil" in comparison with the unpopular regime, unable to wage war, and such a categorically negative description of the revolutionary crowd attributed to the estimates formed from Schulgin during subsequent events . On February 27 (March 12), 1917, Schulgin was elected to the Temporary Committee of the State Duma (ACMD). February 28 (March 13) of 1917 by car under the Red Flag Schulgin went to "take Bastilia" - to the Petropavlovsk fortress to convince her officers to go to the side of the revolution. During the negotiations with the Commandant of the fortress by General V. N. Nikitin, he managed to persuade him not to take hostile actions against the new power and submit to the VKGD. At its order, 19 soldiers-Pavlovtsians were released on its own order. Shulgin spoke before the garrison of the fortress, told about the events taking place in Petrograd and calling the soldiers to abide by the discipline. The crowd screamed: "Hoose Comrade Shulgin!" Historian A. B. Nikolaev noted that it was after Speech Schulgin that the riots began in the fortress.
Nicholas II renunciation
Main article: Subject of Nicholas II
March 2 (15), 1917, Shulgin, together with A. I. Guccov, was sent to the PSCs for negotiations with Nikolai II on renunciation. Emergency train consisted of a steam locomotive and one car, which traveled seven passengers - Guccov, Shulgin and five soldiers of protection with red bows on overcoats. Schulgin attended by signing by Nicholas II of Manifest about renunciation from the throne, since, as many representatives of the Supreme Layers of the Company, as many representatives of the Society, considered the Constitutional monarchy led by Alexey Nikolayevich (with the regency of the uncle - the brother of the King of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich). The appearance of Schulgin and Guccov, who were not mocking to the king in the jackets, were not mock and not shaved for four days, while Vasily Vitalyevich noted that he himself was, "with the face of a religious, released from just burned by prisons," caused the wrath of sweat - What an enmity that lasted for many years arose between the Shulginian and extreme monarchists. When Gucks with Schulgin left the Wagon Nikolai II, someone from the royal suite came to Sulgin and said: "That's what, Shulgin, that there will be someday who knows. But this "jacket" we will not forget ... ". Countess Brasov wrote that Shulgin "was not deliberately shaved ... and ... put on the dirtiest jacket ... when I was driving to the king, in order to stress my mockery challenge." The next day, 3 (16) of March 1917, Shulgin attended by Mikhail Alexandrovich's refusal from the throne: Like most those present, persuaded him not to take the Supreme Power (only Milyukov and Gucci insisted on the fact that Mikhail must join the throne), noting That in Petrograd there was no power to which Mikhail could rely on, was and edited his act of renunciation. According to D. I. Babkova, Schulgin in the early days of the revolution for one day was headed by the Petrograd telegraph agency, which took advantage of the sentiment of its article by three an article with an assessment of the situation in Russia, which many provincial newspapers printed. Other historians, however, reported that they could not find confirmation of this fact.
In Petrograd. Refusing to enter the temporary government, Shulgin nevertheless remained all the spring and the beginning of the summer of 1917 in Petrograd, in every way trying to support the temporary government, which wanted to see strong, and under no circumstances, without recognizing the second center of power, which emerged in the Petrograd Council of Workers and soldier's deputies, since his activity was aimed at undermining the discipline in the army and the termination of the war. Gradually, he was disappointed in the revolution, which took a personal part - at the meeting of deputies of the State Duma of all four convocations, held on April 27 (May 9), 1917, he said: "We are not renounced from this revolution, we contacted her, we are with her Shed and carry me out of moral responsibility. " He increasingly came to the conviction that the revolution was incorrectly by the fact that the real "conquest of the revolution" - the notorious "freedoms" - led to the collapse of the army and dust and beneficial and beneficial only by Bolsheviks and Germany. Therefore, he was not frightened by the prospects for the loss of these freedoms - Shulgin wrote during this period: "Forget about political freedom. Now in danger of the very existence of Russia. " Schulgin accepted the participation in the "impact" at the beginning of the summer of 1917 - June 23 (July 6) of 1917, he and several former deputies of the State Duma filed a statement by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in which the plan for recruitment, equipment and volunteer training was presented: " We undertaken to decide the decision to enter by volunteers in the current army, we believe that this is our step ... can be used to attract some other than us, the number of volunteers. ... Apply to allow us the following: 1) Open an entry into a volunteer detachment ... 2) Embark immediately to learning recorded volunteers. "
Disappointed in the Provisional Government Because of the inability to end with a dwellestism, even after the July crisis and connivance, Ukrainian Separatism, Shulgin 6 (19) of July 1917 left Petrograd to Kiev, where preparation for elections to the city duma began, and was engaged in the formation of the off-party block of Russian voters, which was headed . The block walked into elections with slogans of conservation of close connections between low- and greeting, preservation of private property and for the continuation of the war with central powers. Elections took place on July 23 (August 5) of 1917, and List No. 3 [to 4] managed to gain 14% of the vote and take the third place in the city Duma. Shulgin also organized a protest action [by 5] "against the violent Ukrainization of South Rusi", to which about 15 thousand Kievans joined, some higher educational institutions, public organizations and even military units. On August 30 (September 12), 1917, Shulgin was arrested as Kornilovets [to 6], according to the Decision of the Committee for the Protection of the Revolution in Kiev, but already 2 (15) September 1917, the Committee was dissolved, and Shulgin was released. The Kievistan newspaper was closed in the same period. In the elections to the Constituent Assembly, his candidacy was nominated by the monarchical union of the southern coast of Crimea. Chairman of Schulgina 17 (30) October 1917 in Kiev, a congress of Russian voters of the Kiev province, who adopted the unit, which said that one of the most important tasks of the Constituent Assembly should be the creation of solid state power. Shulgin sharply condemned the proclamation of A. F. Kerensky 1 (14) of September 1917, believing that only the Constituent Assembly should decide on the future of the state device. When it was announced the convening of pre-paraventment, the Council of public figures elected Schulin to his representative, but he refused such "honor".
Shulgin arrived in Moscow, To take part in the meeting of public figures and in the State Meeting, by entering the Bureau for the Organization of Public Forces. 14 (27) August 1917 made a bright speech against election committees in the army, the abolition of the death penalty ("Democracy, which does not understand what is managed by elective collectives during a terrible war - it means to behave on the faithful death - doomed") and autonomy Of Ukraine, demanding the "strong and unlimited" government, in fact, the military dictatorship, which would be needed so that the government could conclude an "honest world in harmony with the allies" and, "ensuring the safety of personality and property", bring the country to Elections in the Constituent Assembly. At the same time, he urged to pay attention to the situation of culture, he was disturbed by the rapid degradation of Russian society. Schulgin wrote that in revolutionary times, hatred for the past makes new leaders bring everything in the past, including his own history and culture, so Russian culture, according to Schulgin, threatened serious danger.
The arrival of the Bolsheviks to power
In November 1917, Shulgin arrived in Novocherkassk and under No. 29 signed up to the servicemen to the "Alekseev organization". Schulgin intended to start the release of the Kievlyanin newspaper, closed by the UNR authorities, in the territory of Don, but the military attacks were asked to wait with it, since because of the oscillations of the Cossacks, the rectines of the political course "Kievanin" could only harm. General M. V. Alekseev spoke Schulgin: "I ask you and order to return to Kiev and keep the" Kievan "to the last opportunity ... And - send us officers." Shulgin went to Kiev. The election of deputies to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly were to pass in Malorus on November 26-28 (December 9-11). The off-party block of Russian voters, led by Schulgin, went to the elections with the previous slogans, adding the requirement to "terminate socialist experiences". This time, the struggle was unclean and unequal - during the attempt of the Bolsheviks to seize power in Kiev first, the Central Rada, and then the Council of Workers and Soldier deputies was requisitioned by the Cyvilian Typography. Schulgin Block (List No. 8) remained without the possibility of conducting election struggle. The newspaper's publication was able to resume only November 18 (December 1) of 1917. But in these conditions, the Schulgin Block in Kiev was able to receive a second result - 36,268 people voted for him (20.5% of the votes, whereas for the socialists of all shades - 25.6%, for the Bolsheviks - 16.8%). However, throughout the Kiev electoral district, the block scored only 48,758 votes (socialists - more than a million, the Bolsheviks - 90 thousand). In the Constituent Assembly, the Schulgin does not pass. The seizure of power in Ukraine by Central Rada Schulgin called the "Ukrainian occupation ..." of the edge, "in anticipation of the occupation of Austrian". At the same time, elections were held in the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly, which was never convened. Block Schulgin went to the elections to declare, besides the slogans mentioned above, that "Russian people ... will remain true to the end of Russia." The interest of the voters was lower than the All-Russian election. Schulgin's block, who put forward his candidates in all the Little Russian provinces and the city of Kiev, managed to achieve a major victory - in the Kiev election, the block was ahead of both the Ukrainians themselves and Bolsheviks, and Shulgin became the only representative from the city of Kiev, elected to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly. After the class of Kiev by Soviet detachments, M. A. Muravyov, in January 1918, Shulgin was arrested, but before the departure of the Bolsheviks from Kiev was released. Subsequently, at the interrogation in Lubyanka, he explained his liberation as follows: "I had the impression that I had the relationship of Pyatakov" [to 7], but the researchers believed that the merit in liberation belonged to the city Duma. When the German troops were included in Kiev, Shulgin, referring to them, wrote in the Kyivlyanin room of February 25 (March 10) of 1918 in an advanced article, after which he closed his newspaper in protest: there are no provisions in which it is impossible not die There is no position from which it was impossible to get out of honor. ... since we did not call the Germans, then we do not want to use the benefits of relative peace and some political freedom that the Germans brought us. We have no right to do this ... We are your enemies. We can be your prisoners of war, but we will not be your friends as long as the war goes. The article was noticed by all political circles and, according to the approval of Schulgin, produced the "effect of a broken bomb." Immediately after her publishing home to Shulgin, according to his own words, the French military agent Emil Anno, who was in Kiev, including the secret mission from French intelligence, and on behalf of France and the Allies thanked Schulgin for the manifested clear allied position. Somewhat later, the same Emil Anno was appointed by the Military representative of France in Odessa, where throughout the winter 1918-1919 worked together with Schulgin to organize the intervention of France in the south of Russia and the creation of southern Russian government structures on the territories liberated from the Bolsheviks. At the same time, for the propaganda of the idea of \u200b\u200ban inseparable connection of the Great and Malororsia and the struggle with the ideas of Ukrainian separatism, Schulgin began to publish a monthly magazine "Malaya Rus". The first room was prepared in January, but came out only after the expulsion of the Bolsheviks and the restoration in Kiev the authorities of the Central Rada. In the program article Shulgin, in particular, wrote: "[Ukrainians] ... declared themselves to" sovereign power "and this puzzled phrase was deprived of our people of a huge land in the east, which was at his disposal ...". Supposedly, three magazine numbers were published, everything is departure to Schulgin to Don. The second number was devoted to the Soviet-Ukrainian war and the seizure of Kiev by Bolsheviks. The third issue continued the topic of "Ukrainian self-sufficiency."
Civil War in Russia When the hope for the rapid overthrow of the Bolshevik authorities in Central Russia was lost, Shulgin joined the White Movement in the south of Russia: in Kiev, Odessa, Ekaterinodar, where he took an active part in the activities of the EMP as a political consultant and propagandist. Stood at the origins of the creation of the secret organization "ABC", engaged in the collection of information and its analysis on the state of affairs in Russia, both in the Soviet and in the "White", for the report to the leadership of the ECR.
Ekaterinodar
From August 1918, Schulgin, while at the Volunteer Army, began to seek creating a special body with the commander-in-chief of the volunteer army, whose competence would be the tasks of civilian. In autumn, they were developed with General A. M. Dragomirov "The Provision on the Special Meeting at the Supreme Director of the Volunteer Army", which regulates his work. The name of the new institution was inspired by memories of a special meeting during the First World War, in whose work Shulgin took part. Schulgin entered the members of a special meeting as a "minister without a portfolio" and at first participated in its meetings. However, after the meeting began to attract representatives of the Kuban government, Schulgin had to be eliminated from the meeting, as his figure was unacceptable for Kubans because of the sharply negative attitude of Schulgin to the Kuban and Ukrainian separatism. The official Ukrainian representative in Kuban Baron F. Burzhinsky called Shulina Ukr. "In the Body Body ... Materi Ukrainian", and the head of the Ukrainian state of the Ukrainian state of Götman P. P. Scoropadsky in private conversations called Schulgin his "personal enemy". During the summer and autumn, Shulgin edited in Ekaterinodar the Russian Newspaper "Russia" (then "Great Russia", since the Kuban Regional Rada, dissatisfied with the "unsophisticated" course of the newspaper "Russia", closed it 2 (15) December 1918 - 88 numbers came out ), on the pages of which the three basic principles promoted: 1) loyalty to the allies; 2) the restoration of "Russia is united, great and indivisible"; 3) the struggle "with a massive case, referred to as socialism." The newspaper was initially the official organ of the volunteer army, but soon passed into the category of "private", since he too frankly preached the idea of \u200b\u200bmonarchism, which was contrary to the "uninushable" course of the leadership of Dobramia. The newspaper "Great Russia" went up to the fall of the White Crimea. Although it was highly appreciated by P. N. Wrangel, it remained a private newspaper. The Publishing Plans of the Schulgin Periods of the Civil War were more extensive: he planned to establish the release of the newspapers of a single ideological direction in all major cities occupied by white - so, in particular, the Russian Newspaper managed to produce in Odessa in January 1919, but due to attempts The French authorities opposing the volunteer army and fluffling with the emiss emissaries, influence the editorial policy, Shulgin decided to demonstantly close the newspaper, on the closing of Kyivanin's closure due to the German occupation of Ukraine. The Russian Newspaper began to go out in Kursk after his volunteers in October 1919 and went about a month, until Kursk was again engaged in red. Relationship between the commander-in-chief of the volunteer army A. I. Denikin and Shulgin were not simple. Schulgin believed that the firm position of Denikin in matters of "no-judgment" in conditions when all the fullness of power was in his hands, was a big minus. Shulgin explained this position by the personal qualities of the Commander-in-Chief, primarily the lack of this "taste to power." Quite otherwise, Schulgin will subsequently refer to the Baron Wrangel - "In addition to Wrangel, I did not see a person who could at least dream that he would discharge the Bolsheviks and head Russia."
Odessa winter period 1918-1919 See also: Odessa Evacuation (1919) was elected a member of the "Russian delegation" (representative of the Volunteer Army) at the Yask Meeting, but could not take part in it, because on the road from Ekaterinodar in Iasi fell ill. In the winter of 1918-1919, Returning from Yass to Odessa was a political adviser to the Odessa dictator A. N. Grishin-Alzov. From January 1919, Shulgin headed the "Commission on National Affairs" at a special meeting, although he did not show actively at this field. At the insistence of Schulgin in Odessa schools, the lessons of "local history" were introduced instead of "Ukrainian studies" (for the propaganda of "healthy local patriotism" instead of "foreign betrayal") and the Optional lessons of the Malorosi-Russian Surgery instead of the obligatory lessons of the "Ukrainian Movy", introduced by the Ukrainian authorities. As Schulgin recalled, the elective lessons of the gymnasists missed, preferring to "play the ball". So, in the second Odessa gymnasium, the lessons of "Malorussian spacious" visited only two gymnasium - the sons of Schulgin himself.
Kiev in the fall of 1919 See also Kyivlyanin (newspaper) Already at the time of classes in Kiev, Schulgin arrived in the city in August 1919 and resumed the release of the newspaper Kyivlyanin. Being in Kiev, he actively engaged in the recreatation of the party structures of the South-West Territory, standing at a barrus and monarchical position. Without occupying any official posts in the administration, Schulgin nevertheless became one of the most influential figures. Under his leadership, the formation of the "South-Russian National Party", which built its program based on the slogans of the South-Russian National Center. "Russian National Block" was created at the union with friendly political forces. However, these works, due to the short-term power of the power in the region, and were not over. The historian D. I. Babkov believes that the ideologist of the South-Russian white movement is not true for the ideology of the South Russian White Movement, because to develop the ideology of this movement (the fight against the Bolshevism, the restoration of "Unified, Great and Indicakes Russia" and "Unintention") Shulgin There was no relation to the personal ideas of Schulgin (monarchism) even rugged with the ideas of Dobramia. Grandmas described the position of Schulgin into its Odessa and Kiev periods as the position of the main propagandist of the ideas of the volunteer army in the region. With the beginning of the autumn retreat of the volunteer army, South Shulgin remained in Kiev until the last day, in order to "fulfill his duty to the end ... [Although] ... The doomes were buried in all corners." In the morning of 3 (16), 1919, when the Red Army was already part of Kiev, Shulgin with ten Kyivanin employees and the members of the "ABC" left the city. The volunteer army was demoralized, no one thought about the assistance of the upcoming Soviet parts. Later, Shulgin, remembering the retreat of his squad in the ranks of other volunteers from Kiev in Odessa, not without irony wrote: "We saw our eyes a lot, our legs turned a lot, but we did not hear one and did not see the opponents."
Odessa and Crimea (1920) In the 1920s, the book of the inspirationant "White Thought" was still published in the USSR in December 1919, Shulgin was again in Odessa, where he was engaged in the organization of voluntary formation to protect the city from Bolsheviks. After an unsuccessful attempt to escape along with the wife and two sons of the city left by the White Army in Romania, he suffered a rapid tit and in March 1920 remained at an illegal position in the busy Bolsheviks Odessa, where he led the local "ABC" branch. However, Odessa CC managed to go to the trail of Schulgin. There was a "Vrangelev Courier" on their organization, which, as it turned out, was a provocateur. Together with him "back to the White Crimea", the courier "ABC" F. A. Mogilevsky (nephew Schulgin and the editor of the Odessa newspaper "United Russia", the pseudonym Efem), who was arrested on the way. Shulgin had to urgently disappear from the city. He was able to make Escape from the Red Odessa on the Wooded Boat with his sons on a vein boat on a white fleet, from where he got to Crimea on July 27 (August 9) of 1920. In Crimea Shulgin, departing from public affairs, dedicated himself to journalism and attempts to sign from the hands of his wife's Bolsheviks (remaining in Odessa) and nephew. As he wrote later about this period: "... The whole point of the wrangel struggle in the Crimea consisted precisely to rinse the shame of the collapse [under Denikin], and it is that the heroic epilogue corresponds to the immortal prologue." Wrangel's policy, despite the mitigation of the last position on the Ukrainian issue [by 8], Shulgin considered successful experience and wrote (already in emigration) that he wanted "... All Russia could live as the Crimea lived in 1920." From this time, Shulgin became the unconditional and unchanged supporter of the "Wrangel's experience", which he considered the successor of the case of Stolypin. Shulgin tried to organize the exchange of a nephew on one, not called sources, "prominent Bolshevik, who was captured by white. The response of Chekists did not follow this proposal. Then he made an attempt again illegally (by the sea) to return to Odessa, intending to offer himself in exchange for the freedom of the nephew (by this time already shot). The autumn storm made an impossible landing ashore in the Odessa area, and Shulgin had to land ashore in the Akkerman district, which belonged to Romania after the capture of Bessarabia. Having lost his brothers in the civil war, two sons, leaving his wife in the Bolshevik Odessa, Shulgin after a two-month conclusion in Romania (he and his companions were checked, whether they were Bolshevik agents) went to Constantinople. By this time, White had already left the Crimea.
In emigration Shulgin
There is something fantastic in it:
In it, the artist, patriot, hero and lyrics,
Tsarizmu Anthem and the will of Penagirik,
And, careful, he is joking with fire ...
He's a steering wheel - we will calmly sleep.
He is on the scales of Russia that of Girek,
In which the nobility.
In the books, unparalleled by a new day.
His calling is a difficult hunting.
From Don Juan and from Don Quixote
There is something in it.
Unjust drive
He is compatriots by those
Who, do not be able to deal with the topic
Hat hearts for nation other.
Igor Severnanin Cycle "Medallions". Belgrade. 1934
Arriving in Constantinople (where he spent the time from November 1920 to July 1921), Shulgin first visited the Gallipolian camp, where he was unsuccessfully tried to find his son of Veniamine, who disappeared during the defense of the Crimea. In the summer of 1921, Shulgin, with the same purpose, secretly visited the coast of Crimea. For this, he and the group of his like-minded people, each of which set the goal to visit Soviet Russia for personal motives, had to be purchased in Varna a sail-motor schooner, on which they made a campaign to the Crimea. Near Ayudag, the group was landed for the shore, which included Lieutenant and journalist VL. Lazarevsky and Count Kopnist, whom Shulgin instructed the search for a son. At the expelled sentence, Schoon came to the shore to pick up landed, but no one was found out of them, and Schoon was fired from the shore. The company ended in failure. Shulgin had to return to Bulgaria. From Bulgaria Shulgin moved to Czechoslovakia (lived until the autumn of 1922), then to Berlin (where he lived from the autumn of 1922 to August 1923), in France (Paris and South of France - September 1923 - September 1924) and settled in the kingdom Serbs, Croats and Slovenians. Since the formation of Ross Schulgin became its active participant. In 1921-1922, he was a prominent member of the Russian Council created by P. N. Wrangegem as a Russian government in exile. In Emigration, Shulgin no longer became a publisher nor the editor, remaining only a journalist. Its first written in emigration Publicistic work "White Thoughts" appeared during a visit to the Gallipolian camp and saw the light in December 1920 in the handwritten magazine "Shooting Mount in the Golt Field", which was published in the camp. This article P. B. Struve published in the first renewed abroad of the "Russian thought". In the future, Julgin journalism was published in the emigrant newspapers and magazines of various directions, and not necessarily sympathizing with his views. At this time, the stable source of income Shulgin was fees for his journalistic and literary work. For example, according to the records of Schulgin himself, for the period from September 1, 1921 to September 1, 1923, the "literary work" of Schulgin earned $ 535, despite the fact that its total revenues amounted to $ 3055 (the rest of the income was the work of the mill in his estate At Volyn - as a result of the Soviet-Polish war, the estate was in Poland). However, in the first years of emigration, Shulgin remained little from his fees - a significant part of his income was on the payment of debts made by him and his close in Constantinople. In addition to the politician, Shulgin was engaged in issues of preserving and developing Russian culture in abroad, it was worried about the possible loss of Russian emigration of his national identity, the possibility of national "dissolution" in the countries adopted by immigrants. In 1924, the cultural and educational society "Russian Matitsa [to 9]" was formed in the Kingdom of Serbs and Slovenians, whose branches were supposed to form "everywhere where Russians live." Schulgin became a valid member of the department in the city. He participated in the preparation and publishing of a literary and journalistic collection, published by this department, "Blagovest." In addition, Shulgin was a member of the "Union of Writers and Journalists" of Yugoslavia.
Sitting position in relation to Bolshevism Despite the fact that Schulgin continued to declare himself with a nationalist and the monarchist (while the historian of repovens indicated that Schulgin's chauvor was not), his attitude to the Bolshevik regime began to change. Considering that Bolshevism gradually evolved and that the "white thought" will enthusiastically over the "red shell", Shulgin moved to the agreement close to Smerovovsky. Schulgin wrote about the Bolsheviks: ... our ideas rearranged through the front ... they (the Bolsheviks) restored the Russian army ... as it was neither wild, but this is so ... the banner of United Russia actually raised the Bolsheviks ... In fact, the intermenimal turned out to be an instrument ... expansion of the territory ... for power sitting in Moscow ... it is impossible not to see that the Russian language in the glory of the International took the sixth of the sushi again ... Bolsheviks: 1) Restore the Military Power of Russia; 2) restore the borders of the Russian power ... 3) prepare the coming of the All-Russian ... - Shulgin V. V. Years. Days - 1920. - P. 795-797. In Bolshevia and Monarchism, Shulgin at all saw many similar features - the non-acceptance of parliamentarism, the strong dictatorial power - "... From here, only one jump before the king" wrote Schulgin about the Bolsheviks back in December 1917. Schulgin put in merit Bolsheviks that they actually restored the "normal" organization of society - approved the inequality and principle of uniqueness, putting a new elite over the Russian people - the Bolshevik Party, headed by the sole ruler - the leader. Shulgin was not going to destroy everything that was created by the Bolsheviks, he hoped to "achieve his goal, just the" skipping tip "" - to remove the leader's layer away and replace him with a new one. Historian M. S. Agursky in his work "The ideology of National Bolshevism" came to the conclusion that Schulgin was the first to notice that the Bolsheviks, and only at the unconscious level, became at the national position, using the ideas of "international" as The instrument of Russian national politics.
Interest in fascism With interest and sympathy Shulgin looked at Italian fascism. Shulgin saw a suitable mechanism for managing modern society. Schulgin was especially impressed by such elements of fascism as discipline and nationalism. In June 1923, in a letter to P. B. Rus, Shulgin wrote: "I would add" discipline "to your slogan" Fatherland and Property ". Under the discipline, if desired, understand the form of the board, ... and the formation form. About this latter, I'm still starting to lean to the Italian ... ". In the eyes of Schulgin, there were no significant differences between fascism and communism: "Stolypinism, Mussolinism and Leninism ... are" minoristic "systems, that is, based on minority authorities above the majority. According to the historian Babkov, Shulgin for a period of time became an ideologist of Russian fascism. In 1927, Shulgin participated in the work of the Eurasian Union and the "Fascism School" at the Union of Monarchists and already confidently argued: "I am a Russian fascist." The latitude of the propaganda of fascism Schulgin was the following: to defeat the "red", "white" should learn a lot from them and take their tactics. As an example of creating a movement capable of defeating Bolsheviks, he pointed to the organization of Italian fascists. Shulgin began publishing articles in the press, popularizing the ideas of fascism and offering the creation of Russian militarized groups, like the Soviet Communists and Italian Fascists. Propaganda Fascism Schulina caused a contradictory reaction in an emigrant medium. Some of the emigrants accused Schulgin ("Black Experience") in attempts to restore the monarchy in Russia, for which he was allegedly ready to stand on the path of "Red Isaours" - Communists - and create militarized detachments in Russia, overwhelming democracy. But supporters of his ideas were (for example, N. V. Ustortyov): the sermon of "Russian fascism" was successful. But at that time, Shulgin saw the danger mockingly inside the fascism itself that the fascists of different countries would achieve strengthening their own nation at the expense of other nations. In this regard, he wrote: "The fascists of all countries ... are unable to rise above the interests of their state narrowly aligned. ... fascism ... has something very something that threatens the terrible danger to all this movement. In other words, fascism is inclined to self-destruction in mutual struggle. " Walking out in 1925 a program for the Russian fascist party [to 10], he suggested: "Do not argue after the Germans, ... that" the Motherland is above all. " Motherland above all the other concepts of man, but above the Motherland - God. And when you want to "in the name of the Mother name" to attack unfortunately to the next people, remember that in the face of God is sin, and retreat in the name of God from His intention. ... love your homeland, "like yourself," but do not make it God, ... do not become an idolatry. " Later, the topic of fascism was continued in the books of Schulgin "Three Capitals" and "What I don't like them", but the consequences of the Trest operation discredited not only Schulgin, but also his ideas, including the idea of \u200b\u200b"Russian fascism". After the appearance in the European policy of such a phenomenon, as the German national socialism, believing that between him and the Italian fascism "the Great Difference ...", Schulgin became an opponent as national socialism, and in general, all extreme forms of nationalism.
Operation "Trust" and the book "Three Capitals"
On the task of Ross in the winter of 1925-1926, Schulgin at a false passport again secretly visited the Soviet Union to establish connections with the underground anti-Soviet organization "Trust" and in an attempt to find the missing son. Schulgin told me later: I ... turned to Paris to one clairvoyant lady, ... She, looking into the ball, began to say that my Lala was in one of the crazy houses in the south of Russia. Why I did not guess then to ask her in detail, how this city looked, starting from the station and ending with that street where this yellow house was! Then I would find Lyalya. After all, my secret trip to Russia in 1925 freshed with the hope that I would find my son. I visited Kiev, Moscow and St. Petersburg, and then described it in the book "Three Capitals". By the way, in Kiev, grated, I watched the play on the novel Mikhail Kozakova "The Fall of the Empire", where the actor was played, fired under me ... And recently, with the help of Khrushcheva, I got the opportunity to ride in Ukraine. And imagine, in Poltava, in the crazy house I found my traces of mine ... He died there ... So after many years I received a confirmation of a long time ago ... - Mikhailov O. N. One day with Shulgin
Schulgin was on the territory of the USSR from December 23, 1925 to February 6, 1926. During this time, he visited Kiev, Moscow and Leningrad. In Vinnitsa, where he wanted to visit his son, he was not allowed. From the "Trust" there were allegedly people, but the son of Schulgin did not find (by that time he was already dead). Shulgin returned under a great impression of what he saw in Russia - he expected the overthrow of Bolshevism from day to day. A good impression was made by the organization "Trust". Schulgin believed that he finally returned the opportunity to do the real affair - he was ready to issue his estate in Poland on the border with Soviet Russia to organize a transshipment base there for agents of the organization - imaginary "smugglers", and for Eye removal even tried to organize a soap-made enterprise in the estate. Before leaving the USSR, at a meeting with the leadership of Trest, Shulgin received a recommendation to describe his impressions from NEP in the book. So the book "Three Capitals" was born. Schulgin described in it what he saw and heard during the trip - and he saw and heard not so much, since "for conspiracy reasons" the circle of his communication and visits to various seats was limited. He received information about the sentiments of Soviet people and lives in the USSR either from "Trustovikov" or from the Soviet press. Therefore, even despite the anti-Soviet and antillennaya attacks available in the book, Schulgin showed in the book as a whole, quite a positive picture of the new Russia of the Floor of the NEP A. To eliminate the possibility of "failure" of the Anti-Soviet underground, a manuscript of the book was decided to send to the USSR for "proofreading", after which to print it in the West. So it was done, the manuscript was in Moscow and returned without any special changes (only fragments were removed, describing the technical organization of the border crossing, even very sharp remarks about Lenin were not touched). Shulgin did not know that his books were GPU "censor" and that the book written by them was supposed to, according to the plan of Chekists, to become a propaganda idea of \u200b\u200bthe expectation of the rebirth of Soviet Russia and eventually reduce the activity of white emigration. The book was stated, "that Russia did not die that she is not only alive, but also flooded with juices," and if the NEP will develop in the "appropriate direction", then he will destroy Bolshevism. The author also claimed that foreign Russian forces wishing to overthrow the Soviet authorities should certainly coordinate their actions with the internal forces of Russia, pursuing the same goals. Many years later, Shulgin commented on the situation: "In addition to the author's signature, that is," V. Schulgin, "under this book you can read the invisible, but the indelible remark:" I allow you to print. F. Dzerzhinsky "". The book was published in January 1927 and made a sound in the ranks of Russian emigration. Schulgin was inspired by the "Trustoviki", which, besides the publication of the book, it would be desirable to speak at the congress of Russian emigrants who prepared for April 1927, with a report on what he seen in Soviet Russia to "make his" Congress "go on the desired path." Shulgin, perhaps, was preparing a speech at the congress, but he did not speak on it. But a few days before the start of the congress, I met with one of his organizers discovering the congress by his report, - P. B. Struve. It is possible that the conversation has affected the speech on the opening of the congress. As a result of the trip and publication of the book, the authority as Schulgin and the "Trust" in the emigrant circles was quite high - and A. P. Kutepov, and the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich clearly wondered the latter. But the event turned around, crossed the plans of the Chekists. In April 1927, from the USSR, one of the leaders of "Trust" E. O. O. Olepput-Staunitz fled, who immediately gave testimony about this chaskiist provocation. Due to the exposure campaign, begun in May 1927 according to his testimony of V. L. Burtsev, the emigrant circles have discovered that the whole organization "Trust" was actually a provocation of Soviet special services; What is the arrival of Schulgin, all his movements in the USSR and the meetings were under the control of the OGPU and everyone who he met, was employees of the special services. The situation for Schulgin was aggravated by the fact that, although he learned about the Chekist provocation from A. P. Kepov, before reporting reports in the emigrant press, the latter forbade Schulgin to take any proactive public steps, obviously, still hoping Save it in secret or because of the "interests that seemed more important." Shulgin was forced to obey and not do anything to save his reputation until the public was known about provocations. Trust in Shulgin and his ideas in the medium of emigrants was undermined. Schulgin shook this morally: he used to be in guilt that he was "a man who went to Pskov," now he became a man whom the GPU "took Moscow." Schulgin considered that in the current circumstances, he did not have moral right to continue journalistic activities and that he should "go to the shadow." This was the beginning of the end of the active political activities of Schulgin. Until the end of the life, Shulgin never believed that all those with whom he had to communicate with both members of the "Trust" were agents of the GPU. Reflecting on the reasons why the GPU allowed him to safely leave the Soviet Union and why his book was almost not experienced by Dzerzhinsky's proofreading, Schulgin, in the 1970s, said in one of the interviews: "Because this text from the point of view of Dzerzhinsky was beneficial ..." Three capitals "were justified by the Lenin NEP condemned by many Communists. ... So, Shulgin, in general hostile advice, argues that Russia is reborn and moreover, thanks to the NEP, the last act of the late Lenin. You seemed important to inspire this. " Shulgin also reminded that the French edition of the book "Three Capitals" came under the title "Revival of Russia".
Moving to Yugoslavia. Departure from the active political activities of Shulgin in emigration. 1934 In early 1930, Shulgin finally moved to Yugoslavia, where she alternately lived in Dubrovnik and Belgrade, in 1938 settled in the Srem Karlovtsy, where many veterans of the Russian army found a refuge. He moved away from active political life, "I wanted to live a private person," as he wrote himself. NTSNP sympathized (the National Labor Union of the New Generation) and became his staff lecturer on general political issues, engaged in explanatory work on the activities of P. A. Stolypin, the supporter of the ideas of which remained until the end of life, spoke with lectures and participated in discussions. He took part in the published in 1936-1938 by I. L. Solonevich the newspaper "Voice of Russia", where the series of his articles was printed. In Emigration, Shulgin supported contacts with other white movement figures until 1937, when he finally stopped political activities.
The Second World War Schulgin's biography researcher noted that the life of Schulgin this period is a "white spot" in his biographies and researchers have only memories of Schulgin himself and its own testimony for interrogations after arrest. From the declassified investigative case, Schulgin became aware of some kind of work - the "Belt of Orion", written around 1936, in which Schulgin justified the need for the Union liberated from the Bolsheviks of Russia with Hitler Germany and Japan - star-star states forming the "belt" in the constellation Orion, and Germany was to release Russia, fulfilling his historical movement to the east - "Drang Nakhusten". In fee for liberation from Bolshevism, Russia would hand over in Germany any border territory for German colonization, but would preserve their state independence and Ukraine. According to Schulgin, he wrote this work for the transmission of someone from the leadership of Nazi Germany, and A. I. Guccov, I. L. Solonevich and I. A. Ilina acquainted with its content; The latter work criticized for the fact that in her Shulgin promised too little to the Germans, which therefore would not go to the negotiations. During this period, Shulgin was not alone in his hopes in Germany - the arrival of the fascist party in it by many representatives of Russian abroad (D. S. Merezhkovsky, Z. N. Gippius, I. A. Ilyin, Father John Shakhovsky, P. N. Krasnov) explained as a response to the ideas of the Comintern and communicated with the possible foreign intervention, which will put an end to the Bolshevik government in Russia, and it was believed that at the same time Hitler would not be the enemy of the Russian people, and his goals in the fight against the communist regime coincided with the goals White motion. In 1938, Shulgin approved Avshlus Austria.
With the beginning of World War II, Shulgin saw the national interests of Russia in National Socialism. After the seizure of Yugoslavia in April 1941, Shulgin, from his own words, refused any contacts with the German administration, considering the Germans with enemies, but without calling for either the fight against the Union with Nazi Germany. Schulgin recalled that "... Neither with one German for the whole war I could not say a single word." In the summer of 1944, his son Dmitry, who worked in Poland on the construction of highways, sent Sulgin documents who allowed him to go to one of the neutral countries, but Shulgin did not use them - at the end of the statement it was necessary to write: "High Hitler!", And Shulgina not Could do this "out of principle."
In Soviet Union
In custody In 1944, Soviet troops occupied Yugoslavia. In December 1944, Schulgin was detained, exported through Hungary to Moscow, where he was arrested on January 31, 1945, as "an active member of the Russian Property Union of the White Guard Organization" and after the investigation in his case, which took over two years, was sentenced to articles 58-4, 58-6 Part 1, 58-8 and 58-11 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR by the decision of a special meeting with MGB of July 12, 1947 by 25 years of conclusion for "anti-Soviet activities". To the question asked before making a sentence, whether he recognizes himself guilty, Shulgin replied: "My signature is on every page, it means I confirm my affairs. But whether it is, or it is necessary to call it another word - it is to judge my conscience. "
The verdict shook the shulgina with its cruelty. He recalled: "That I did not expect. Maximum, what I expected, is for three years. " Historian A. V. Repnikov explained this sentence to the next circumstance: by the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of May 26, 1947, "On Cancellation of the Death penalty" was proclaimed the abolition of the death penalty in peacetime. The same decree was established that the death penalty was punishable in the form of imprisonment in a corrective labor camp for a period of 25 years. Thus, as represented, the elderly Schulgin was to be sentenced to shooting, and he was saved only that at the time of the sentence, the death penalty in the USSR was canceled. Shulgin was even more lucky if you remember that on January 12, 1950, the death penalty in the USSR was restored for "traitors of the homeland, spies, demissors-diversants." Schulgin's term was serving in the Vladimir Central, among his cellmates were Mordechai Dubin, Philosopher Daniel Andreev, Prince P. D. Dolgorukov, M. A. Tairov, Generals of Wehrmacht and Japanese prisoners of war. On the night of March 5, 1953, Schulgin dreamed of sleep: "The gorgeous horse fell, fell on the rear paws, leaning on the front of the earth, which he poured with blood." Initially, he tied a dream with the approaching anniversary of the death of Alexander II, but soon learned about the death of I. V. Stalin. After twelve years in prison, Shulgin was released in 1956 by amnesty. All the term of concluding Schulgin stubbornly worked on memoirs. The museum, which opened in the Vladimir Central after the collapse of the USSR, is the booth dedicated to Shulgin. Among the exhibits, there is an inventory of one of the parcels, which Schulgin received from his former mamer - the German prisoner of war [to 11]: the usual packages were food, the parcel Schulgin consisted of two kilograms of papers. Unfortunately, most of these records were destroyed by the prison administration. Only fragments about meetings with wonderful compatriots remained. The political part of the memoirov served as the basis of the book "Years".
After liberation. In Gorokhovets and Vladimir. After the liberation of Lenin's experience, after the liberation of Schulgin, was sent to the city of Gorokhovets Vladimir region and was placed in the disabled house, but there were no conditions for family living (Schulgin allowed to settle with his wife, which was allowed to come from the link to Hungary, where she was allowed He was, being sent from Yugoslavia as the "Soviet Spy"), he was very quickly translated into a disabled house in Vladimir, where the conditions were better. Schulgin was allowed to return to literary work, and in a home for the elderly in 1958, he wrote the first after the liberation of the book "Experience of Lenin" (published only in 1997), in which he tried to comprehend the results of social, political and economic construction, which began in Russia after 1917. The meaning of this book is that, not assuming that its contemporaries will be able to read it, Shulgin tried to describe the Soviet history with the eyes of a person of the XIX century, who saw and remembering the "Tsarist Russia", in which he played a significant political role. Unlike emigrants, who knew about Soviet life only by Ponaster, Shulgin observed the development of the Soviet Society from the inside. According to the point of view of the Schulgin of this period, the beginning of the civil war in Russia put the "pokhabny" Brest world, which many citizens of Russia could not regard then otherwise as a treacherous surrender and national humiliation. However, comprehending the events of those days after the past years, Shulgin came to the conclusion that Lenin's position was not so unrealistic and irrational, - the conclusion of the world, as Schulgin wrote, the Bolsheviks saved from destroying the first world millions of Russian lives at the front. As the Russian Nationalist of Schulgin could not help but rejoice at the influence of the Soviet Union in the world: "Red ... on his manner glorified the name Russian, ... more than ever before." In socialism itself, he saw the further development of the traits inherent in the Russian society - community organization, love for authoritarian power; Even atheism, he gave an explanation that he was just a modification of the Orthodox faith. At the same time, he did not idealize Soviet life, some of his gloomy reflections were prophetic. He was concerned about the force of the criminal environment, with which he had to get acquainted in the conclusion. He believed that under certain circumstances (weakening of power), this "Grozny" force, "hostile to every creature," will be able to go to the surface and "Life of the gangsters". He considered an unresolved and the national problem: "The position of Soviet power will be difficult if, per minute of any weakening of the Center, all sorts of nations that have entered the union ... USSR, will be picked up with a death of late separatism." A serious problem, in his opinion, there was a low standard of living in the USSR, especially in comparison with the standard of living in developed countries of Europe, it noted that such features as tiredness and irritability turned into national traits of the Soviet people. In the conclusion of the book, Shulgin wrote: My opinion, which established over the forty years of observation and reflection, is reduced to the fact that for the fate of all mankind is not only important, and it is simply necessary that the communist experience that has come so far was unhindered to the end. What I write is now, this is a weak senile attempt before it is at all, to completely move aside, express, as I understand it, the pitfalls threatening the ship Russia, which I once sailed. - Shulgin V. V. Experience Lenin. Historian D. I. Babkov believed that Shulgin came to understanding and justifying the "Lenin's experience", but still, from the standpoint of nationalist and conservative - "Lenin's experience" you need to "bring to the end" only in order for the Russian people Finally, "silenced" and ever got rid of the "recurrence of communist disease". Historians A. V. Repikov and I. N. Grebelkin believed that Schulgin could not be accused of wishing to heal or confirm his loyalty to Soviet power to improve his own position. Writing the book "Experience of Lenin" Shulgin tried to analyze the changes since Russia and force the authorities to listen to his warnings.
Life in Vladimir. The book "Letters to Russian Emigrants"
The first book of Schulgin after a long silence in the homeland house number 1 on the street Cooperative (since 1967, Faigina Street), where in Apartment No. 1 on the first floor, Schulgin lived from 1960 to death. In 1960, Sulgin allocated a one-room apartment in Vladimir, where they lived under constant supervision of the KGB. He was allowed to write books and articles, receive guests, traveling through the USSR and even sometimes visit Moscow. This pilgrimage began to Shulgin: many unlucky and famous visitors who wanted to talk with a man who witnessed turning events in the history of Russia, - Writer M. Kasvinov, author of the book "Twenty-three steps down", dedicated to the history of the reign of Nicholas II, Directed by S. N. Kolosov, who shot a television program about "Trust operations", writer L. V. Nikulin, author of the artistic novel chronicle dedicated to the same operation, writers D. A. Zhukov and A. I. Solzhenitsyn who asked Schulgin about the events of the February Revolution, collecting materials for the novel "Red Wheel", artist I. S. Glazunov, musician M. L. Rostropovich. In 1961, the book "Letters to Russian emigrants" was published in a hundred thousandth edition. The book was argued: what the Soviet Communists do in the second half of the 20th century is not only useful, but also absolutely necessary for the Russian people and saving for all mankind. The book mentioned the standard ideological set of the time: about the leading role of the CPSU, about N. S. Khrushcheva, whose personality "gradually seized" Schulgin. Subsequently, Schulgin with annoyance responded to this book: "I was deceived" (for writing the book Schulgin, it was specially taken by the USSR, showing "achievements" of the communist power, which in fact were "Potemkin villages"), but from the main thought of the book - that a new war, If it starts, becomes the end of the existence of the Russian people - he is not moving until the death.
Guest at the XXII CPSU Congress. Filming the film "Before the History Court"
In 1961, among the guests, Shulgin attended the XXII Congress Congress. In 1965, Shulgin acted as the main character of the Soviet documentary "Before the Court of History" (director Friedrich Ermler, the work on the film was from 1962 to 1965), in which he shared his memories with the "Soviet historian" (the real historian could not find And the role was entrusted to the actor and employee of the special services Sergey Svistunov). Schulgin did not go to any concessions, the purpose of the film is to show that the leaders of white emigration recognized that their struggle was lost and the case of "communism builders" won, was not achieved, and the film was shown in Moscow and Leningrad cinemas for only three days: Despite the interest of the audience, the film was removed from the rental. All this is trips around the country, published books, invitation to the party congress and the release of the film - was the signs of Khrushchev "thaw". But as soon as N. S. Khrushchev was shifted, and new leaders came to power in the USSR, ideological policies changed, censored was tightened. Attracting Schulgin to public life was recognized as erroneous at a meeting of the secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee.
last years of life
Soviet citizenship Shulgin never accepted. Living abroad, he also did not accept foreign citizenship, remaining subjects of the Russian Empire, he was a joke called Apatard. On July 27, 1968, Schulgin's wife died. After conducting a spouse on the last journey, Shulgin settled next to the cemetery in the village of Vyatkino under Vladimir and 40 days lived there, next to the fresh grave. For a single old man, the neighbors around the house were courted. Shulgin was always a romantician man, showed an increased interest in mysterious phenomena of the human psyche. He led the "anthology of mysterious cases" - those that happened to him or with his relatives and acquaintances. He was personally familiar with many prominent occultists (G. I. Gurdzhiev, A. V. Sakko, S. V. Tukholka, etc.), was fond of spirituality by spirituality. By the end of his life, his mysticism intensified. At the same time, he started the habit every morning to record the content of the dreams, which he was dreaming on the eve of the usual student notebooks. In recent years, he saw and wrote almost at random, very large handwriting. Notebooks with records of his dreams accumulated several suitcases.
Death
Back in 1951, being in prison, Shulgin, rewrote "in the types of restoration of truth", the poem of Igor Northergyn, once dedicated to himself:
He was empty.
The thing is,
That in childhood he read
Jules Verne,
Walter Scott,
And to a cute old old hunt
With a mirage, the future walked awkward in it.
But he was in vain was driven
Of the Ukrainian brothers,
Which did not understand the topic
He wrapped was straight.
Believing that he will soon die, he bequeathed to cut the last line to cut on the back of his grave stone, and for his face, he composed his next epitaph:
The last sheets of bliss of tears are filled.
But do not be sad, the pen, they will return to you again.
When the thunder will hit and stand dead slabs,
I will again sing immortal love!
Vasily Vitalyevich Shulgin died in Vladimir on February 15, 1976, on the feast of the referee of the Lord, at the ninety-ninth year of life from the attack of angina. Twisted him in the cemetery church next to the Vladimir prison, in which he spent 12 years. He was buried at the Vladimir Cemetery "Baygushi". At the funeral there was a man 10-12, among them - A. K. Golitsyn, I. S. Glazunov. Employees of the KGB watched the funeral from Gazika. Buried him next to his wife. Both graves have survived. A strict black cross, installed on a small pedestal, on which the names and dates of life are embossed. According to the memories of contemporaries, Shulgina, until the last days of life, retained a clear mind and good memory and remained Russian patriot.
Political views
The name of Schulgin firmly merged with the name "Blackness" and "Anti-Semita". And although Schulgin himself did not hide his nationalist and anti-Semitic views, his attitude to the "Jewish", "Ukrainian" and "Russian" issues was very controversial and changed greatly in various periods of his life. But Schulgin remained unchanged and moved throughout his life, according to the historian Babkov, the love of Russia and, above all, to his "small homeland" - Malorus. In the "Russian issue" Schulgin performed as a "state officer" - he did not think of strong Russia without a powerful state, while the form of power in Russia (monarchism, the republic or something else) was for Schulgin the question of secondary. However, he believed that for Russian conditions the best form of government, ensuring strong power, is a monarchy. The essence of the monarchism Schulgin was a combination of a state-national idea with the idea of \u200b\u200blegality carried out through the Duma (representative body), "Stolypinsky Monarchism". P. A. Stolypin remained for Schulin with a sample of a politician, even idol, until the end of days. Monarchism Shulgin underwent evolution from the absolute monarchy (at the beginning of his political career) to the constitutional monarchy to the beginning of the First World War. During the Civil War, Shulgin firmly believed that only a constitutional monarchy could be the best way to rule in Russia. Shulgin could not accurately formulate that there is a "Russian nation" and "real Russian". For him, the main criterion of "Russianness" was love for Russia. According to Schulgin, a certain messianic task of a global people was stood before the Russian people - to transmit the achievements of European culture to the East, to engage in "indulging" wild Asian expanses. Until the end of the life, Shulgin remained a monarchist and remembered his role in renunciation from the power of Nicholas II. He wrote: "With the king and queen, my life will be connected until my last days. And this connection does not decrease over time ... ", which, however, did not interfere with some right, for example, N. E. Markov second, consider him a traitor for the monarchist idea. With the newspaper Kyivlyanin, Shulgin did not part, even in the days of the renunciation of Nicholas II. "Ukrainian question" for Schulgin was the most important among all other national problems, and he saw himself in this matter by the successor of the father of his father and stepfather. Considering that the cornerstone of the national self-determination for the people living in the south of Russia will be the issue of self-confusion, Shulgin did not fundamentally use the words "Ukraine", the name of this region of "Malorossee", and his population "Malorus", and if the word Ukrainians and derivatives used From him, then usually put them in quotes. Also, Schulgin also referred to the question of the Ukrainian language: "Galician dialect", who was interpreted by Schulgin as "This Ukrainian language", Shulgin considered the alien to the population of southern Russia. "Local dialect" he called Malorossky, considering it one of the dialects of "Velikuski Nashiai". The outcome of the struggle of the Ukrainian and "Malorossiysky" flows, by Shulgin, rested in self-identification of the population living in Ukraine. From this, according to Schulgin, the future of the whole Russian state depended. For victory in this struggle, it was necessary to explain to the Malorussian people, that "he, the people living from the Carpathians to the Caucasus, the most Russian of all Russians [by 12]." Schulgin has repeatedly expressed in that spirit that the small Ukrainian nation does not exist, the Natural and integral part of Russia, whose separation from Great Asia will also be a step back in the cultural plan. Since ethnic and racial differences between Velikostsa and Malorus Schulgin did not see, for him the Ukrainian question was a question of purely political. For Sulgin, Maloros were one of the branches of the Russian people, and the Ukrainians were perceived by them not as a people, but as a political sect, seeking to split his unity, and the main sense of this sect was "hatred for the rest of the Russian people ... [And this hatred forced] ... them Friends of all enemies of Russia and to join Mazepine plans ".. Holgor himself also considered Maloros. Although Shulgin called himself an anti-Semite, the attitude towards the "Jewish question" was perhaps the most controversial point in the worldview of Schulgin. Shulgin distinguished three types of anti-Semitism: 1) biological, or racial, 2) political, or, as he said, cultural, 3) religious, or mystical. Anti-Semit of the first type Schulgin was never, he adhered to the second, "political anti-Semitism", believing that the "Jewish domain" could be dangerous to the indigenous peoples of the Empire, as they could lose their national and cultural identity. Schulgin explained this by the fact that the Jewish nation was formed three thousand years ago, and Russian - just a thousand, so it is more "weak." The "Jewish question" always remained for Schulin exclusively as a political issue, and he reinforced himself for criticizing in his publications "Jewry," he did not always prevail his reader, which he only had a "political Jewry", and not all Jews as a nation. Shulgina so described the evolution of his relationship to the Jews: in the Russian-Japanese war, Jewry put a bet on defeat and revolution. And I was anti-Semite. During World War I, the Russian Jewry, which actually supervised the seal, was on patriotic rails and threw the slogan "War to the victorious end". This is the most denying the revolution. And I became a "philodemite". And this is because in 1915, as well as in 1905, I wanted Russia to won, and the revolution was defeated. Here are my pre-revolutionary "zigzags" on the Jewish question: when the Jews were against Russia, I was against them. When they, in my opinion, began to work for "Russia", I went to reconciliation with them. At the same time, Shulgin always opposed Jewish pogroms. But with the beginning of the Civil War, seeing a large percentage of Jews among both the ordinary Bolsheviks and leaders of Soviet Russia, Shulgin began to blame in the destruction of the Russian state not individual representatives of the Jews, but the whole nation (leading to an analogy with the German nation - even though not all the Germans are to blame World War, according to the terms of the Versailles world, the entire German nation answered). According to Schulgin, Jews are primarily to blame for the fact that they did not disgrace the revolutionaries released from their ranks and did not stop them. His articles in "Kievanin" in 1919, and a particularly infamous article "torture by fear" were perceived as encouraging and justifying the pogromed moods. Anticipating logic that has become usual only in the second half of the 20th century, Shulgin, possibly, for the first time in the history of Russian political journalism, offered in the brochure "that we don't like them in them" the principle of ethnic guilt, ethnic responsibility and ethnic repentance. Schulgin demanded from the Jews "voluntary refusal ... from participation in Russia's political life." However, by the end of life, according to Yu. O. Dombrovsky's testimony, Shulgin radically changed his views against Jews. The reasons for this were its conclusion in the gulag, the catastrophe of European Jewry and friendship with a certain orthodox Lithuanian Jew. When at that time, Sulgin was asked if he was not anti-Semit, then instead of the answer he recommended to read his articles about the "Baylis business".
Criticism of the personality of Schulgin and his views
As the right deputy, Vasily Shulgin was the object of numerous political cartoicatures V. I. Lenin, estimated the activities of the Schulgin-Policy, based on its idea of \u200b\u200bthe antagonism of the interests of the revolutionary proletariat and the landowner-noble bourgeoisie, the exceptional interests of which, according to the leader of the proletariat, was represented by Vasily in Duma Vitalevich, defending the principles of private ownership of land. Forced alienation of the Earth, according to Schulgin, meant the "grave of culture and civilization". In 1917, the correspondence spores of Schulgin and Lenin was beaten in 1965 in F. Ermler "in front of the history court," where Shulgin, defending his position of the patriot and a supporter of the continuation of hostilities against Germany in a dispute with Bolsheviks, who insisted on the termination of the unpopular war, argued : "We prefer to be poor, but by poor in their own country. If you can save us this country and save it, undress us, we will not cry about it. " To which V. I. Lenin (the mouth of the Soviet historian S. Svistunov) objected: "Do not intimidate, Shulgin! Even when we will be in power, we will not "deseen" you, but will provide you with good clothes and good food, on the condition of work, quite a suitable and familiar! Being intimidation is suitable against the draft and Tsereteli, we "do not run"! ": 34 The film did not enter another Leninskaya quotation:" Imagine the Bolshevik, who comes to a citizen Schulgin and is going to undress him. He could be a big success to accuse the Minister Skobelev in this. We have never been so far away. ": 94, however, the subsequent events of the Civil War confirmed that there was nothing extraordinary in the assumption of Schulgin. The next interest of the chairman of the Council of Schulgin, the fact that in his library had two books Vasily Vitalyevich - "Something fantastic" and "1920". S. P. Melgunov, who was not believed to fans of Schulgin, critically responded about his memoirs and their author, referring to the "half-timeling works, which could not serve as a canvey for historical narration." In the "March Days of 1917" Melgunov wrote about the book Shulgin "Days" that in it "the fiction from reality can not be separated," and hinted that Schulgin participated in the conspiracy against Nicholas II. However, the historian D. I. Babkov noted that such accusations never have been proven by anyone, and the descriptions of events, the data of Schulgin and the criticized Melgunov as unreliable, coincide with the memoirs of others, about whom Melgunov probably did not know at the time of writing specified book. In the USSR, at Schulgin, as well as on the other "Chernoottsev", the label of the "Velikus Russian Chauvinist" was hanged, in particular, in 1922, Stalin mentioned Schulgin as "Markobes of Russian Chauvinism". Information about Schulgin printed in Soviet reference sources was often biased. Already in the post-Soviet time, the personality of Schulgin and his role in historical events, primarily in connection with two episodes - the case of Beylis and the renunciation of Nicholas II, often criticized, and both from liberal positions and conservative. So, the researcher V.S. Kobylin, evaluating the activities of Sulgin from the right-monarchist position, wrote about him: "The decent people" Schulgin "hands are not served." Dissident V. N. Osipov, visiting Schulgin in Vladimir, was amazed by the absence of repentance for him for a number of antimonarchical actions committed before the revolution, and left the "92-year-old witness of the fateful days of Russia with a sense of incomprehensible bitterness." On the other hand, the liberal writer V. P. Ershov in annotations to his "Roman-Reflection" "Paradoxes V. V. Shulgin", published in 2004, gave him such impartial assessments: "An ardent monarchist, he took from Nicholas II Act of renunciation from the throne. The convinced anti-Semit - defended the Jews from the pogroms and persecution. Mahrome Russophile - hated and despised his people. The ideologist of the "White Movement" - milked it. The enemy of the Bolsheviks - did not raise the weapon on them. The opponent of Soviet power - served her, being broken, ", and the memories of Schulgin described as" fiction "," fantasy "," lie "or even" nonsense. " At the same time, the author did not provide confirmations to his statements, and his book about Shulgin contained many actual inaccuracies. However, similar estimates of the actions of Schulgin gave back in the 1920s, the Soviet publicist I. M. Vasilevsky. In 1993, the book of M. I. Buyanov "Baleis", several pages of which are devoted to Shulgin. Buyanov believed that that "... was one of the most disgusting Russian socio-political figures. It was a major landowner, a storm, one of the most conservative figures of the state, chauvinist, Yudophob, theoretics of pogroms. " The unanimous criticism of the views and the personality of Schulina was called in the post-Soviet Ukraine. Some Ukrainian historians called Schulgin not otherwise as the "Ukrainian-Ukrainian", "Ukrainophobe", "Ukrainophobe-monarchist, one of the leaders of militant Russian nationalism," the enemy of Ukrainian statehood and the like. President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko called Vasily Shulina Schulanist, and the Ukrainian publicist Ivan Dzuba is the "classic of Ukrainophobia and anti-Semitism."
A family
From the letter V. V. Shulgin from 6 (19) of January 1919 V. A. Stepanov ... Since we broke up, I have lost my son. Consolation to me is that he died the death of an honest, pure boy who does not divert the word with the case. They were there on the Svyatoshinsky highway 25 young men. Their boss went to the city and did not return, instructing them to protect the highway. In the morning of December 1, 19 Kiev was delivered. Neighboring parts began to move. Comrade from the neighboring squad approached Vasilka and said: "We go away, go and you". He replied: "We can't leave, we did not get orders. Go to my mother ... "These were the last words from him. They stayed ... The peasants saw how, injecting the machine gun on the tree, they twisted it to the last cartridge. Then they shot the rifles. Nobody gone. Everything died to one, fulfilling orders. Once, maybe Russia will remember these poor children who died until adults betrayed. Mother dutched his body from the general grave-pit. The face was calm and fine, the bullet fell right in the heart, and must have been fast. Almost day before, after three weeks in positions, he came home for one day. We wanted to hold it for another day. He replied: "There can be no deserters in such a family." And who took out his body from the pile of others, who risks life (they almost shot), did it out of common pit? Four Volyn peasants from our villages who knew him from childhood, and after all loved the "landlord". Here is a fate. ...
Mary Maria Konstantinovna Schulgin-Popova (? -1883) died from Changing in France, without surviving up to 40 years. The body was transported to Kiev and buried on a bike cemetery next to her first husband and other relatives. Pavel Vitalyevna Muschevskaya sister (nee shulgin, 1865-?) After the revolution, emigrated, lived in Belgrade.
The first wife of Ekaterina Grigorievna Gradovskaya (1869-?) - Publicist, wrote for "Kievanin", took an active part in the newspaper's publication, was its managers. After the divorce with Shulgin, which occurred in 1923, her fate was tragic - she committed suicide. Sons of Vasilid (Vasileuk) (Senior), Veniamin (Lyalya) and Dmitry (Jr.): 19-year-old Vasilid Volunteer signed up in the "Order of the Budrin", which consisted mainly of young students, and died, like all 25 young people from this squad, In battle with supporters of the Directory 1 (14) of December 1918, during the defense of Kiev, when they were forgotten to inform that Hetman capitulated and they could leave the position (this episode was based on the battle scene at the Polytechnic Arret in Roman M. A. Bulgakov "White Guard").
Veniamin in 1920 - the Union of Fleet, served in the machine-gun team of the 3rd Markov Regiment and disappeared (he was wounded red captured) during the Crimean Evacuation. Shulgin twice made attempts to find the traces of his son, secretly visiting the USSR, but both times unsuccessfully. According to some reports, Veniamin died in a house for saming or in Poltava, or in Vinnitsa in the early 1920s. Dmitry's younger son in 1920 at the age of 15 arrived in the marine Cadet Corps recreated in Crimea, including on board the Russian squadron went to Bizert. In the late 1960s, Dmitry, who, after the war in the United States and consisting by a member of the Washington submissions of the North American Department of the NTS, found his father. They entered into correspondence. Shulgin wanted to see her son and turned to the Soviet authorities asking for a trip to him. After a long launch, the answer came: "It is inexpedient", after which the KGB generally interrupted the correspondence of the son and father. Dmitry called himself Demyan, lived in the city of Chemorer (Alabama); American citizenship did not accept, saying: "But after all, someone should remain Russian!"
During the civil war, Shulgin met his second love, tragic. "Given" (Daria Vasilyevna Danilevskaya, a true name - Lyubov Antonovna Popova) died from a random, at eleven days, Spanish 11 (24) of November 1918 in Yassas, when Schulgin was accompanied as a secretary to the Yaskown Meeting. On both they got sick. Schulgin recovered, the gift died. Schulgin was seriously experiencing a loss and even thought about suicide - "... but something resisted. Perhaps the thought that after the death of the suicide will not go there, where the soul of a woman who was dead as holy "was. Never dictate about her, he said this: "You need to write a book or not to write anything." The last wife Shulgin Maria Dmitrievna Sidelnikova, the daughter of General D. M. Sidelnikova, was twice as younger than Vasily Vitalyevich. Piggy. He met her at the end of the existence of the White Crimea, when her, radio system, who was mistakenly arrested counterintelligence. She threatened the execution. Shulgin saved her and forgot about this case. In Constantinople, she found him. They married in 1924. V. V. Shulgin had relatives who had opposite political views. So, his cousin Yakov Nikolayevich Shulgin sympathized with Social Democracy, because of which the B. V. Shulgin family did not communicate with him, and supported Ukrainian movement. At the end of his life, he gave all his modest state to the publication of the literature in the Ukrainian language. All three of his sons actively participated in the Ukrainian movement, and the eldest - Alexander became the Minister of Foreign Affairs of UNR. Native sister Yakova Nikolayevich Vera Nikolaevna Schulina married a Ukrainian teacher and a public figure V. P. Naumenko and after that, as well as her native brother, stood on the "Ukrainian positions".
After death
At the conclusion of the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation of November 12, 2001, Shulgin was completely rehabilitated. In 2008, the house on Faygina Street in Vladimir, where he spent the last years of his life, a memorial plaque was installed with the text: "In this house from 1960 to 1976. Ombulating public and politician Vasily Vitalyevich Shulgin lived.
In literature and art
In the 1965 novel, "Dead Sbyberry" writer L. V. Nikulina Shulgin is shown as one of the participants in the Chekist operation "Trust". In 1967, the novel was filled with Sergey Kolosov called "Trest Operation" "; Rodion Alexandrov played the role of Schulgin. In the film Director F. M. Ermler "Before the History Court", released in 1965 and dedicated to the events of the February Revolution, Shulgin played himself. Possessing the skills of an outstanding Duma speaker, Schulgin the means of acting skills tried to transfer the descendants to the emotionality of the Duma speeches, the speech manner and the appearance of the emperor Nicholas II and other persons, his own perception of historical events whose witness he had the opportunity to be.
Main Works
V. V. Shulgin is the author of numerous journalistic and analytical newspaper articles, a number of novels, as well as memoirs. Bibliography of the main works of Schulgin, obviously incomplete, in alphabetical order names: Admiral Makarov: Prolog. - Kiev: Type. T-Va I. N. Kushner and K °, 1908. - 64 p. Ansluss and we! - Belgrade: Edition N. Z. Rybinsky, 1938. - 16 p. Baylisiad // Memory: Historical Collection. - Paris, 1981. - V. 4. - P. 7-54. White thoughts (under the New Year) // Russian thought. - 1921, kN. I-II. - P. 37-43. Return Odyssey: Second open letter to Russian emigrants // Izvestia: newspaper. - 1961, 7 Saint. - P. 4. Elemental Zemstvo in the South-West Territory. - Kiev: Type. T-Va I. N. Kushnernev and K °, 1909. - 64 p. Years. Days. 1920 / Prepared. V. Vladimirov, S. Pionkovsky. - M.: News, 1990. - 832 p. - (voices of history). - ISBN 5-7020-0073-0 years. Memories of a member of the State Duma. - M.: APN, 1979. "Yes, descendants will be made": an unmanaged preface to the book "Years" // Domostroy. - 1993, 12 Jan. - P. 8-9. Denikin and Wrangel // Prepared. H. H. fox. Moscow builder. - 1990, February 20-27. - № 7. - P. 13-14. Days: Notes. - Belgrade: Publishing House M. A. Suvorin, 1925. - 310 p. Recent days: [stories]. - Kharkov: Type. "Mirgin. Labor, 1910. - 2 + 269 p. Unpublished publicism (1960s) // Three capitals. - M., 1991. - P. 377-397. New about "Trust" // Prepared. G. Struve. New magazine. - 1976. - № 125. One of many. - Kiev: Type. T-Va I. N. Kushner and K °, 1913. - P. 10. Lenin's experience // Prepared. M. A. Ivaszyn; Having left. V. V. Kozhinova. Our contemporary: magazine. - 1997. - № 11. Open letter G. Petlyur // Kuban: Magazine. - 1991. - № 9. - P. 47-48. Writer: Dedicated to V. G. Korolenko. - SPb.: Ovech. Type, 1907. - 16 p. Letters to Russian emigrants. - M.: Socsekgiz, 1961. - 95 p. Pogrom. - Kiev: Type. T-Va I. N. Kushnerev and K °, 1908. - 96 p. The last eyewitness: Memoirs. Essays. Dreams. - M.: Olma-Press, 2002. - 588 p. - (epochs and fate). - ISBN 5-94850-028-4 Adventures of Prince Vorontetsky: [novel]. - [Kiev]: Type. T-Va I.N. Kushner and K °, 1914. - 335 s. Against the violent Ukrainization of southern Russia // Kievyanin: newspaper. - 1917, July 18. Reflections. Two old notebooks // Unknown Russia. XX C.: Archives, letters, memoirs. Kn. 1. - M., 1992. - P. 306-348. The story of G. I. Gurzhiev // preface. H. H. fox. Moscow builder. - 1990, 20-27 Nov. - S. 12. Saporny Riot. - Kharkov: Type. journal "Mirgin. Labor, 1908. - 44 p. Witness: letters to Russian emigrants // In the world of books: magazine. - 1989. - № 4. - P. 78-85. Stolypin and Jews // Pravda Stolypin: Collection, I vol / submarine. To ed. Saratov cultural center. P. A. Stolypin; Cost. Sidorinnin. - Saratov: compatriot, 1999. - ISBN 5-88830-008-X three capitals. Memories. - Berlin, 1925. - 462 p. 1920: Essays. - Sofia: Russian-Bulgarian bookbook-in, 1921. - 278 p. 1917-1919 // Persons: Biographical Almanac / Preport. and parub. R. G. Krasyukova; Comment. B. I. Colonitsky. - m.; St. Petersburg., 1994. - T. 5. - P. 121-328. Ukraine // Kiev: newspaper. - 1912, January 4th. Ukrainian studies // Kievyanin: newspaper. - 1917, June 15. Ukrainian people. - Rostov-on-Don, 1919. - 24 p. Ukrainian and we // Free Word of Carpathian Rus. - 1986. - № 9-10. French intervention in the south of Russia in 1918-1919. (Fragmentary memories) // Puber. and preface. H. H. fox. Domostroy. - 1992, 4 Feb. - S. 12. The fourth capital (from the newspaper "Revival") // Word: newspaper. - Riga, 1927. - № 526. "What we don't like them ...": about anti-Semitism in Russia. - Paris: Russia MINOR, 1929. - 330 p. "I owe it to" (an open letter to Russian emigrants) // Izvestia: newspaper. - 1960. - V. 298. In English V. V. SHULGIN. The Years: Memoirs of a Member of the Russian Duma, 1906-1917 / Transl. by Tanya Davis; Introd. By Jonathan E. Sanders. - New York: Hippocrene Books, 1984. - P. XVII + 302. - ISBN 0-88254-855-7 [edit] Not published during life 1921 // Prepared. E. A. Osminina. Continent: magazine. - 2002. - № 114.; Continued - 2003, No. 117, ending - 2003, No. 118. For the first time, V. V. Schulgin issued in 2002-2003.
Links:
1. Shulgin Dmitry Vasilyevich
2. Shulgin Veniamin Vasilyevich
3. Moviel Pavel Vitalevna (Ur. Schulgin, 1865-?)
4. Danilevskaya Daria Vasilyevna (Genuine name - Lyubov Antonovna Popova)
5. Sidelnikova Maria Dmitrievna
6. Schulgin-Popova Maria Konstantinovna (? -1883)
7. Shulgin Vasily (Vasilid) Vasilyevich
8.
Russian politician, Publicist Vasily Vitalyevich Shulgin was born on January 13 (on January 1 to the old style) of 1878 in Kiev in the family of Historian Vitaly Shulgin. His father died in the year of his son, the boy brought up stepfather, scientist-economist Dmitry Pihno, the editor of the monarchical newspaper Kyivlyanin (replaced Vitaly Schulgin in this position), afterwards - member of the State Council.
In 1900, Vasily Shulgin graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Kiev University, and a year studied at the Kiev Polytechnic Institute.
He was elected the Zemsky vowel, honorary judge, became the leading journalist "Kievanin".
Deputy II, III and IV State Duma from the Volyn province. First elected in 1907. Originally entered the faction of the right. Participated in the activities of monarchical organizations: he was a valid member of the Russian Assembly (1911-1913) and was part of his council; participated in the activities of the Main Chamber of the Russian People's Union. Mikhail Arkhangel, he was a member of the Commission on the preparation of the "Book of Russian Grief" and "Lettering of Pogroms of the Vague 1905-1907".
After the start of World War I, Shulgin went to the front volunteer. In the rank of ensign of the 166th Rivne Infantry Regiment of the South-Western Front participated in the battles. He was injured, after the injured headed the Zemsky advanced dressing and nutritious detachment.
In August 1915, Shulgin left the nationalist faction in the State Duma and formed a progressive group of nationalists. At the same time, he entered the leadership of the progressive block, in which he saw the Union of the "conservative and liberal part of society", brings closer to the former political opponents.
In March (February, the old style) of 1917, Shulgin was elected to the Interim Committee of the State Duma. On March 15 (March 2, on the old style), he, together with Alexander Huchkov, was sent to the Pskov for negotiations with the emperor and attended when signing the manifesto about renunciation in favor of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, which later wrote in detail in his book "Days". The next day - March 16 (on March 3, at the old style), he was present at the refusal of Mikhail Alexandrovich from the throne and participated in the preparation and editing of the act of renunciation.
At the conclusion of the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation of November 12, 2001, it was rehabilitated.
In 2008 in Vladimir at the house number 1, on Faygina Street, where Shulgin lived since 1960 to 1976, a memorial plaque was installed.
Material prepared on the basis of open sources information
The amazing fate of Vasily Schulgin-nobleman, the nationalist, deputy of the State Duma of the Tsarist - was overflowing with historical paradoxes. Who was this man, the monarchist who took the resignation of Nicholas II, one of the founders of the White Movement, at the end of the life reconciled with the Soviet authorities?
Most of the life of Vasily Schulgin was associated with Ukraine. Here, in Kiev on January 1, 1878, he was born, he studied here in the gymnasium. His father, a famous historian and teacher, died when his son was still no year. Soon, the mother married a famous scientist-economist, editor of the Kievlyanin newspaper Dmitry Pihno (Father Vasily, Vitaly Shulgin, was also the editor of this newspaper).
Nobleman with impeccable past
The traditions of hereditary nobles, major landowners laid in Vasily, in addition to hot love of Russia, passion for freedomity, independent behavior and a certain inconsistency, dictated by excessive emotionality to the detriment of the logic and sobriety of thinking. All this led to the fact that already at the University of Vasily, despite the painful passion for imaginary revolutionism, not only rejected these ideals, but also became a hot monarchist, nationalist and even anti-Semit.
Schulgin studied right in Kiev University. Stephipa arranged him to work in his newspaper, where Vasily quickly declared itself as a talented publicist and a writer. True, when the authorities "unwound" the case of Beilis, giving him an anti-Semitic color, Shulgin made him criticism, for which he had to serve a three-month prison sentence. So in the youth of Vasily Vitalyevich proved that he is not so important political color of what is happening as truth and family honor.
After graduating from the university, he served a short time in the army, and in 1902, after dismissal, he moved to the Volyn province, got a family and engaged in agriculture. In 1905, during the Russian-Japanese war, he served as a junior officer in the Sapper battalion, then again engaged in agricultural activities, combining it with journalism.
But in 1907, his life was cool changed - Vasily Schulgin was elected by a member of the State Duma from the Volyn province. The provincial landowner went to St. Petersburg, in which the main events of his stormy life occurred.
My Duma, Duma ...
Already from the first of his speeches in Duma, Shulgin showed himself a skillful politician and a wonderful speaker. He was elected in II, in the III and IV state Duma, where he was one of the leaders of the "right." Schulgin always spoke quietly and politely, always remained calm, for which he was called "Point Snake." "I was somehow in battle. Scary? - he recalled. - No ... It's terrible to speak in the State Duma ... why?
I do not know ... Maybe because all Russia is listening. "
In the II and III of Things, he actively supported the government of Peter Stolypin, both in reforms, as well as abreast of the suppression of uprisings and strikes. Nicholas II accepted him several times, who at that time nothing but enthusiastic respect did not cause.
But everything changed with the beginning of the First World War, when Vasily left the volunteer to the front. Duma deputy and a rich landowner for the first time in his life saw the wrong point of reality: blood, chaos, decay of the army, its complete inability to fight.
Already on November 3, 1916, he expressed doubts that the government could bring Russia to victory, and urged "to fight this authority until she leaves." In the next speech, he agreed before he called the king of the opponent of all that, "what, like air, a country is necessary."
Passionate and consistent rejection of Nicholas II became one of the reasons that on March 2, 1917, Schulgin, together with Alexander Huchkov, the leader of the Octobrists, sent to the Pskov for negotiations with Nikolai II on renunciation. With this historical mission they coped excellent. Emergency train with 7 passengers - Shaulgin, Huchkov and 5 protection soldiers - arrived at the bottom of the bottom, where Nicholas II signed a manifesto about renunciation from the throne. Among the many details in the memory of Sulgin, one, it would seem completely unavailable. When everything was already over and guffling with Schulgin, tired, in the marked, as they arrived, the jackets came out of the carriage of the former king, someone from Nicholas Sweet approached Shulgin. Saying good, he quietly said: "That's what, Shulgin, that there will ever be there, who knows. But this "jacket" we will not forget ... "
And in fact, this episode has become hardly determining the whole long and, of course, the tragic fate of Schulgin.
After all
After the renunciation of Nikolai Shulgin did not enter the temporary government, although he was actively supported. In April, he uttered a prophetic speech, in which there were such words: "We are not renounced from this revolution, we contacted her, sailed and carrying moral responsibility."
True, he increasingly came to the conviction that the revolution is incorrect. Seeing the inability of the temporary government to restore order in the country, in early July 1917 he moved to Kiev, where he headed Russian National Union.
After the October Revolution, Vasily Shulgin was ready to fight the Bolsheviks, so in November 1917 he went to Novocherkassk. Together with Denikin and Wrangel, he created the army, which was supposed to return that he was actively destroyed throughout the previous life. The former monarchist became one of the creators of the White Volunteer Army. But here he was waiting for deep disappointment: the idea of \u200b\u200bwhite movement gradually walked, the participants, were mired in ideological disputes, lost red in all articles. Seeing the decomposition of a white movement, Vasily Vitalyevich wrote: "The white case began almost with the saints, but they ended him almost that the robbers."
During the collapse of the empire, Shulgin lost everything: savings, two children, his wife, and soon and their homeland - in 1920, after the final defeat of Wrangel, he went to emigration.
There he actively worked, wrote articles, memoirs, continuing to fight with the Soviet authorities with his pen. In 1925-1926, he was offered to secretly to secretly visit the USSR to establish relationships with the underground anti-Soviet organization "Trust". Schulgin went, hoping to find the missing son, and at the same time to see with his own eyes what was happening on the former homeland. Returning, he wrote a book in which the random revival of Russia was predicted. And then the scandal hit: it turned out that the operation "Trust" was a provocation of Soviet special services and passed under the control of the OGPU. Trust to Shulgin in the medium of emigrants was undermined, he moved to Yugoslavia and finally stopped political activities.
But politics and here it caught up: In December 1944 he was detained and exported through Hungary to Moscow. As it turned out, the "father of peoples" did not forget anything: on July 12, 1947, Schulgin sentenced to 25 years of conclusion for "anti-Soviet activity".
He never left the USSR, despite the fact that after the death of Stalin, he was liberated and even gave an apartment in Vladimir. However, Vasily Vitalyevich abroad was not very and sought. He was already too old, and with age, his attitude to socialism softened somewhat.
In the Socialism itself, he saw the further development of the traits inherent in the Russian society - community organization, love for authoritarian power. A serious problem, in his opinion, was a very low standard of living in the USSR.
Schulgin was a guest at the XXII Congress of the CPSU and heard a program for the construction of communism, when Khrushchev said the historical phrase: "The current generation of Soviet people will live with communism!"
Surprisingly, in the 1960s, Schulgin wrote in one of his books: "The position of Soviet power will be difficult if, per minute of any weakening of the center, all sorts of nations that entered the Union of the Russian Empire, and then inherited USSR will be picked up Mother of late nationalism ... Colonializers, out of! Won from Crimea! Won out! Won from the Caucasus! Won out! ! Tataria! Siberia! Won, colonializers, of all fourteen republics. We will leave you only the fifteenth republic, Russian, and that within the limits of Muscovy, raids from which you captured half a hundred! "
But on these words, then no one paid attention - it seemed that this was nothing more than nonsense monarchist.
So Vasily Shulgin, who died on February 15, 1976, left not heard or tsarist Russia, nor the Soviet Union ...