The first State Duma convened in April 1906, when estates were on fire almost throughout Russia, and peasant unrest did not subside. As Prime Minister Sergei Witte noted, "the most serious part of the Russian revolution of 1905, of course, was not factory strikes, but the peasant slogan:" Give us land, it must be ours, for we are its workers. " Two powerful forces came to clash - landowners and farmers, nobility and peasantry. Now the Duma had to try to resolve the land question - the most burning question of the first Russian revolution.
The procedure for elections to the First Duma was determined in the law on elections, published in December 1905. According to it, four electoral curiae were established: landowners, urban, peasants and workers. According to the workers' curia, only those workers who were employed in enterprises with at least 50 employees were allowed to vote. As a result, 2 million male workers were immediately deprived of the right to vote. Women, youth under 25, military personnel, and a number of national minorities did not take part in the elections. The elections were multi-stage electors - the deputies were elected by electors from the voters - two-degree, and for workers and peasants three- and four-degree. There was one elector in the landowning curia for 2 thousand voters, in the city - for 4 thousand, in the peasant - for 30, in the working class - for 90 thousand. The total number of elected Duma deputies at different times ranged from 480 to 525 people. On April 23, 1906, Nicholas II approved the Code of Basic State Laws, which the Duma could change only on the initiative of the Tsar himself. According to the Code, all laws adopted by the Duma were subject to the approval of the tsar; all the executive power in the country was also still subordinate to the tsar. The tsar appointed ministers, single-handedly directed the country's foreign policy, the armed forces were subordinate to him, he declared war, made peace, could introduce martial law or a state of emergency in any locality. Moreover, a special paragraph 87 was introduced into the Code of Basic State Laws, which allowed the tsar, in the intervals between sessions of the Duma, to issue new laws only on his own behalf.
In the elections to the First State Duma, the Cadets won a convincing victory (170 deputies), in addition to them, the Duma included 100 representatives of the peasantry (Trudoviks), 15 Social Democrats (Mensheviks), 70 autonomists (representatives of ethnic borderlands), 30 moderate and right-wing and 100 non-party deputies. The Bolsheviks boycotted the Duma elections, considering the revolutionary path to be the only correct direction of development. Therefore, the Bolsheviks could not have had any compromises with the first parliament in the history of Russia. The grand opening of the Duma meeting took place on April 27 in the Throne Hall of the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg.
One of the leaders of the cadets, professor of Moscow University, lawyer S.A. Muromtsev was elected chairman of the Duma.
S. A. Muromtsev
If in the villages arson of estates and mass flogging of peasants were manifestations of war, then verbal battles raged in the Duma. The peasant deputies ardently demanded the transfer of land into the hands of farmers. Representatives of the nobility, who defended the inviolability of property, objected to them just as passionately.
A deputy from the Cadet party, Prince Vladimir Obolensky, said: "The land problem was in the focus of the First Duma."
The Cadets who prevailed in the Duma tried to find a "middle way", to reconcile the warring parties. The Cadets offered to transfer part of the land to the peasants - but not for free, but for a ransom. It was not only about landowners, but also about state, church and other lands. At the same time, the Cadets emphasized that it was necessary to preserve the "cultural landlord economy".
The Cadets' proposals were heavily criticized from both sides. Right-wing deputies saw in them an attempt on property rights. The left believed that the land should be transferred to the peasants without ransom - for nothing. The government also categorically rejected the Cadet project. By the summer of 1906, the struggle had reached its utmost severity. The authorities decided to push the situation to the end. On June 20, the government announced that it would not allow any violation of the rights of landowners. This caused an explosion of indignation among the majority of the deputies. On July 6, the Duma issued a declaration confirming the intention to transfer part of the landlord's lands to the peasants. The authorities responded by dissolving the Duma. The highest decree of dissolution followed three days later, on July 9, 1906.
The beginning of the land reform was announced by a government decree of November 9, 1906, adopted in an emergency order, bypassing the State Duma. According to this decree, the peasants received the right to leave the community with their land. They could also sell it. P. Stolypin believed that this measure would soon destroy the community. He said that the decree "laid the foundation for a new peasant system."
In February 1907, the Second State Duma was convened. In it, as in the First Duma, the land issue remained at the center of attention. Most of the deputies in the Second Duma even more firmly than in the First Duma advocated the transfer of part of the noble lands to the peasants. P. Stolypin resolutely rejected such projects: "Does this not remind the story of Trishkin's caftan:" cut the floors to sew sleeves out of them? " Of course, the Second Duma did not show any desire to approve the Stolypin decree of November 9. In connection with this, persistent rumors circulated among the peasants that it was impossible to leave the community - those who left would not get the landlord's land.
In March 1907, Emperor Nicholas II noted in a letter to his mother: “Everything would be fine if what is happening in the Duma remained within its walls. The fact is that every word spoken there appears the next day in all the newspapers that the people read eagerly. In many places they have already started talking about land again and are waiting for what the Duma will say on this issue ... We need to let it agree to the point of being stupid or disgusting, and then - slam. "
Unlike many countries of the world, where parliamentary traditions have been developing for centuries, in Russia the first representative institution (in the modern sense of this term) was convened only in 1906. It received the name - the State Duma and existed for about 12 years, until the fall of the autocracy, having four convocations. In all four convocations of the State Duma, representatives of three social strata - the local nobility, the urban intelligentsia and the peasantry - occupied a predominant position among the deputies.
It was they who brought the skills of public discussion to the Duma. The nobility had, for example, almost half a century of experience in the zemstvo.
The intelligentsia used the skills acquired in university classrooms and in court hearings. The peasants carried with them to the Duma many democratic traditions of communal self-government.
FORMATION
Officially, the people's representation in Russia was established by the Manifesto of August 6, 1905.
The intention to take into account the public need for a representative body of power was stipulated in the manifesto.
FIRST STATE DUMA
- According to election law 1905 Years established four electoral curia: landowners, urban, peasant and workers. According to the workers' curia, only those proletarians who were employed in enterprises employing at least fifty people were allowed to take part in the elections, which deprived two million workers of the right to vote.
The elections themselves were not general, equal and direct (women, youth under 25, military personnel, a number of national minorities were excluded; one elector was in the landowning curia for 2 thousand voters, in the city - for 4 thousand voters, in the peasant - for 30 thousand, in the worker - by 90 thousand; for the workers and peasants, a three- and four-degree system of elections was established.)
I State Duma.
The first "popularly" elected Duma existed from April to July 1906.
Only one session took place. Party representation: Cadets, Trudoviks - 97, Octobrists, Social Democrats. The chairman of the first State Duma was cadet Sergei Andreevich Muromtsev, professor at Moscow University.
From the very beginning of its activity, the Duma demonstrated that a representative institution of the people of Russia, even elected on the basis of a non-democratic electoral law, will not put up with the arbitrariness and authoritarianism of the executive branch. The Duma demanded an amnesty for political prisoners, the real implementation of political freedoms, universal equality, the elimination of state, appanage and monastic lands, etc.
Then the chairman of the Council of Ministers resolutely rejected all the demands of the Duma, which in turn passed a resolution of complete distrust of the government and demanded its resignation. The ministers declared a boycott to the Duma and exchanged demands for each other.
In general, in 72 days of its existence, the first Duma accepted 391 requests for illegal actions of the government and was dissolved by the tsar.
II State Duma.
It existed from February to June 1907. One session was also held. In terms of the composition of the deputies, it was much more to the left of the first, although, according to the plan of the courtiers, it should have been more right.
The chairman of the second State Duma was elected Golovin Fedor Alekseevich, a zemstvo leader, one of the founders of the Cadet party and a member of its Central Committee.
for the first time, there was a discussion of the recording of government revenues and expenditures.
Interestingly, most of the sessions of the First Duma and the Second Duma were devoted to procedural issues.
This became a form of struggle between the deputies and the government during the discussion of bills, which, according to the government, the Duma had no right to discuss. The government, subordinate only to the tsar, did not want to reckon with the Duma, and the Duma, as a "people's choice", did not want to submit to this state of affairs and sought to achieve its goals in one way or another.
Ultimately, the opposition Duma-Government was one of the reasons that on June 3, 1907, the autocracy carried out a coup d'etat, changing the electoral law and dissolving the second Duma.
As a result of the introduction of the new electoral law, a third Duma was created, already more obedient to the tsar. The number of deputies opposed to the autocracy has sharply decreased in it, but the number of loyal elected representatives, extreme right-wing extremists, has increased.
III State Duma.
the only one of the four, worked the entire five-year term prescribed by the law on elections to the Duma - from November 1907 to June 1912.
Five sessions took place.
Octobrist Alexander Nikolaevich Khomyakov was elected chairman of the Duma, who was replaced in March 1910 by a large merchant and industrialist Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov, a man of desperate courage who fought in the Boer War.
The Octobrists, a party of large landowners and industrialists, directed the work of the entire Duma.
Moreover, their main method was blocking on various issues with different factions. Despite its longevity, the third Duma did not come out of crises from the very first months of its formation. Sharp conflicts arose on various occasions: on the reform of the army, on the peasant issue, on the issue of the attitude to the "national outskirts", as well as because of personal ambitions that tore apart the deputy corps. But even in these extremely difficult conditions, opposition-minded deputies found ways to express their opinions and criticize the autocratic system in the face of all of Russia.
IV State Duma
The Duma arose in the pre-crisis period for the country and the whole world - the eve of World War II.
The composition of the fourth Duma differed little from the third. Perhaps the number of clergymen has significantly increased in the ranks of the deputies.
For the entire period of its work, the Chairman of the Fourth Duma was a large Yekaterinoslav landowner, a man with a large-scale state mind, Octobrist Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko.
The deputies recognized the need to prevent revolution through reforms, and also advocated a return in one form or another to Stolypin's program.
During the First World War, the State Duma without hesitation approved loans and passed bills related to the conduct of the war.
The situation did not allow the Fourth Duma to concentrate on large-scale work.
She was constantly in a fever. There were endless, personal "showdowns" between the leaders of the factions, within the factions themselves. In addition, with the outbreak of world war in August 1914, after major failures of the Russian army at the front, the Duma entered into an acute conflict with the executive branch.
Historical significance: Despite all sorts of obstacles and the dominance of reactionaries, the first representative institutions in Russia had a serious impact on the executive branch and forced even the most reputed to be the toughest governments to reckon with themselves.
It is not surprising that the State Duma did not fit well into the system of autocratic power and, for this very reason, Nicholas II constantly tried to get rid of it.
- the formation of democratic traditions;
- the development of publicity;
- the formation of the right consciousness, the political education of the people;
- the elimination of the slave psychology that prevailed in Russia for centuries, the revitalization of the political activity of the Russian people;
- the acquisition of experience in the democratic solution of the most important state issues, the improvement of parliamentary activity, the formation of a layer of professional politicians.
The State Duma became the center of legal political struggle, it provided the possibility of the existence of an official opposition to the autocracy.
The positive experience of the Duma is worthy of being used in the activities of modern parliamentary structures in Russia
Introduction- 3
1. The Third State Duma (1907-1912): general characteristics and peculiarities of activity - 5
2. State Duma of the third convocation in the assessments of deputies - 10
Conclusion - 17
List of used literature - 20
Introduction
The experience of the first two legislative assemblies was assessed by the tsar and his entourage as unsuccessful.
In this situation, the third June manifesto was published, in which dissatisfaction with the work of the Duma was attributed to the imperfection of the electoral legislation:
All these changes in the electoral procedure cannot be carried out in the usual legislative way through the State Duma, the composition of which is recognized by Us as unsatisfactory, due to the imperfection of the very method of electing its Members.
Only the Power that granted the first electoral law, the historical Power of the Russian Tsar, has the right to cancel it and replace it with a new one.
The electoral law of June 3, 1907, perhaps, seemed to the Tsar's entourage a good find, but the State Duma formed in accordance with it reflected the balance of forces in the country so one-sidedly that it could not even adequately outline the range of those problems, the solution of which could have prevented the slide of the country to disaster. As a result, replacing the first Duma with the second, the tsarist government wanted the best, but it turned out as always.
The First Duma was a Duma of hopes for a peaceful evolutionary process in a country tired of revolution. The Second Duma turned out to be the Duma of the most acute struggle of the deputies among themselves (up to fights) and an irreconcilable struggle, including in an insulting form, between the left side of the deputies and the authorities.
Having the experience of dispersing the previous Duma, the most prepared for parliamentary activity, the most intellectual faction of the Cadets tried to introduce both right and left parties into at least some limits of decency.
But the intrinsic value of the germs of parliamentarism in autocratic Russia was of little interest to the right, and the left did not give a damn about the evolutionary development of democracy in Russia at all. On the night of June 3, 1907, members of the Social Democratic faction were arrested. At the same time, the government announced the dissolution of the Duma. A new, incomparably tougher restrictive electoral law was passed.
State Dumas in Russia (1906 - 1917)
Thus, tsarism deeply violated one of the main provisions of the manifesto of October 17, 1905: no law can be passed without the approval of the Duma.
The further course of political life with terrifying clarity demonstrated the fallacy and ineffectiveness of forceful palliatives in solving the cardinal problems of relations between various branches of government. But before Nicholas II and his family and millions of innocent people who fell into the millstones of the revolution and civil war paid in blood for their own and others' mistakes, there were the third and fourth Dumas.
As a result of the third June 1907
During the Black Hundred coup d'etat, the electoral law of December 11, 1905 was replaced by a new one, which in the Cadet-liberal milieu was called nothing less than "shameless": so openly and rudely it ensured the strengthening of the extreme right monarchist-nationalist wing in the Third Duma.
Only 15% of the subjects of the Russian Empire received the right to participate in the elections.
The peoples of Central Asia were completely deprived of their voting rights, and representation from other national regions was limited. The new law almost doubled the number of peasant electors. The previously unified urban curia was divided into two: the first included only the owners of large property, who received significant advantages over the petty bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia, who constituted the bulk of the voters of the second urban curia, i.e.
the main voters of the Liberal Cadets. The workers could actually hold their deputies only in six provinces, where individual workers' curiae remained. As a result, the nobility-landowners and the big bourgeoisie accounted for 75% of the total number of electors. At the same time, tsarism showed itself to be a consistent supporter of the conservation of the feudal-landlord status quo, and not the acceleration of the development of bourgeois-capitalist relations in general, not to mention bourgeois-democratic tendencies.
The rate of representation from landlord landowners was more than four times the rate of representation from the big bourgeoisie. The Third State Duma, in contrast to the first two, existed for a set period (11/01/1907 - 06/09/1912).
The processes of positioning and interaction of political forces in the third Duma of tsarist Russia are strikingly reminiscent of what happens in 2000-2005 in the Duma of democratic Russia, when political expediency based on lack of principle is at the forefront.
The purpose of this work is to study the features of the third State Duma of the Russian Empire.
1.
Third State Duma (1907-1912): general characteristics and features of activity
The Third State Duma of the Russian Empire operated for a full term from November 1, 1907 to June 9, 1912 and proved to be the most politically durable of the first four State Duma. She was chosen according to Manifesto on the dissolution of the State Duma, on the time of convening a new Duma and on changing the procedure for elections to the State Duma and Regulations on elections to the State Duma dated June 3, 1907, which were published by Emperor Nicholas II simultaneously with the dissolution of the Second State Duma.
The new electoral law significantly limited the electoral rights of peasants and workers.
The total number of electors for the peasant curia was halved. The peasant curia, thus, had only 22% of the total number of electors (against 41.4% in the electoral right Regulations on elections to the State Duma 1905). The number of electors from workers was 2.3% of the total number of electors.
Significant changes were made to the election procedure from the City Curia, which was divided into 2 categories: the first congress of urban voters (the big bourgeoisie) received 15% of all electors and the second congress of urban voters (the petty bourgeoisie) received only 11%. The first curia (congress of farmers) received 49% of the electors (against 34% according to the regulation of 1905). The workers of most of the provinces of Russia (with the exception of 6) could participate in elections only in the second city curia - as tenants or in accordance with the property qualification.
The law of June 3, 1907 provided the Minister of the Interior with the right to change the boundaries of electoral districts and divide electoral assemblies into independent departments at all stages of elections.
Representation from the national outskirts was sharply reduced. For example, 37 deputies used to be elected from Poland, but now there are 14, from the Caucasus before 29, but now only 10. The Muslim population of Kazakhstan and Central Asia was deprived of representation altogether.
The total number of Duma deputies was reduced from 524 to 442.
Only 3,500,000 people took part in the elections to the Third Duma.
44% of the deputies were noble landowners. After 1906, the legal parties remained: the Union of the Russian People, the Union of October 17, and the Party of Peaceful Renovation. They formed the backbone of the Third Duma. The opposition was weakened and did not prevent Stolypin from carrying out reforms. In the elected but new electoral law, the Third Duma significantly reduced the number of opposition-minded deputies, and vice versa, the number of deputies supporting the government and the tsarist administration increased.
In the third Duma, there were 50 extreme right-wing deputies, and 97 moderate right-wing and nationalist deputies.
There appeared groups: Muslim - 8 deputies, Lithuanian-Belarusian - 7, Polish - 11. The Third Duma, the only one of four, worked through the entire five-year term stipulated by the law on elections to the Duma, five sessions were held.
An extreme right-wing deputy group, headed by V.M. Purishkevich, emerged. At the suggestion of Stolypin and with the money of the government, a new faction, the Union of Nationalists, was created with its own club. She competed with the Black Hundred faction "Russian Assembly".
These two groups constituted the "legislative center" of the Duma. The statements of their leaders were often in the nature of blatant xenophobia and anti-Semitism.
At the very first meetings of the III Duma , which opened its work on November 1, 1907, a right-wing October majority was formed, which amounted to almost 2/3, or 300 members. Since the Black Hundreds were against the Manifesto of October 17, differences arose between them and the Octobrists on a number of issues, and then the Octobrists found support from the progressists and greatly corrected Cadets.
This is how the second Duma majority was formed, the Octobrist-Cadet majority, which accounted for about three-fifths of the Duma (262 members).
The presence of this majority determined the nature of the activities of the Third Duma, ensured its efficiency. A special group of progressives was formed (at first, 24 deputies, then the number of the group reached 36, later on the basis of the group the Progressive Party (1912-1917) arose, occupying an intermediate position between the Cadets and Octobrists.
The leaders of the progressives were V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinskiy. The radical-minded factions - 14 Trudoviks and 15 Social Democrats - kept themselves apart, but they could not seriously influence the course of the Duma's activities.
The number of factions in the Third State Duma (1907-1912)
The position of each of the three main groups - the right, the left and the center - was determined at the very first sessions of the Third Duma.
The Black Hundreds, who did not approve of Stolypin's transformational plans, unconditionally supported all his measures to combat the opponents of the existing system. The liberals tried to resist the reaction, but in some cases Stolypin could count on their relatively benevolent attitude towards the reforms proposed by the government. At the same time, none of the groups could either fail or approve this or that bill when voting alone.
In such a situation, everything was decided by the position of the center - the Octobrists. Although she did not make up the majority in the Duma, the outcome of the vote depended on her: if the Octobrists voted together with other right-wing factions, then a Right-wing Octobrist majority was created (about 300 people), if together with the Cadets, then an Octobrist-Cadet majority (about 250 people) ... These two blocs in the Duma allowed the government to maneuver and implement both conservative and liberal reforms.
Thus, the Octobrist faction played the role of a kind of "pendulum" in the Duma.
Question
Answers and solutions
Table "Activities of the State Duma from the first to the fourth convocations"
| I Duma | from 27.04.1906 to 9.07.1906 | 497 deputies: 153 cadets, 63 autonomists (members of the Polish Kolo, Ukrainian, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, etc. | S.A. Muromtsev | approved bills on the abolition of the death penalty and on assistance to victims of crop failure, discussion of the land issue |
| II Duma | from 20.02.1907 to 2.06.1907 | 518 deputies: 65 Social Democrats, 37 Social Revolutionaries, 16 People's Socialists, 104 Trudoviks, 98 Cadets, 54 Right and Octobrists, 76 autonomists, 50 non-party people, 17 from the Cossack group | F. | activities bore the features of a frontal line with the authorities, which led to the dissolution of the Duma |
| III thought | from 1.11.1907 to 9.06.1912 | 441 deputies: 50 extreme rightists, 97 moderate rightists and nationalists, 154 Octobrists and allied to them, 28 "progressives", 54 cadets, 13 Trudoviks, 19 Social Democrats, 8 from the Muslim group, 7 from the Lithuanian-Belarusian group, 11 from the Polish group | ON. Khomyakov, A.I. THE STATE DUMAGuchkov, M.V. Rodzianko |
the activities of the Duma were reduced to routine work without legislative initiative |
| IV duma | from 11/15/1912 to 10/06/1917 | 442 deputies: 120 nationalists and moderate rightists, 98 Octobrists, 65 rightists, 59 cadets, 48 progressives, 21 from national groups, 14 social democrats (Bolsheviks - 6, Mensheviks - 8), 10 Trudoviks, 7 non-party | M.V. Rodzianko |
in the first period, the work of the Duma was of a routine nature without legislative initiative |
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In April 1906, the The State Duma- the first in the history of the country, the assembly of people's representatives with legislative rights.
I State Duma(April-July 1906) - lasted 72 days. The Duma is predominantly Cadet. The first meeting opened on April 27, 1906. The distribution of seats in the Duma: Octobrists - 16, Cadets - 179, Trudoviks - 97, non-party members - 105, representatives of the national outlying districts - 63, Social Democrats - 18.
The workers, at the call of the RSDLP and the Social Revolutionaries, basically boycotted the elections to the Duma. 57% of the agrarian commission were cadets. They submitted to the Duma an agrarian bill, which dealt with the compulsory alienation, for a fair remuneration, of that part of the landlord's land that was cultivated on the basis of a semi-serf labor system or leased to peasants on an enslaving lease.
In addition, state, cabinet and monastery lands were alienated. All land is transferred to the state land fund, from which the peasants will be endowed with it as private property.
As a result of the discussion, the commission recognized the principle of compulsory land acquisition.
In May 1906, the head of the government, Goremykin, issued a declaration in which he denied the Duma the right to solve the agrarian question in this way, as well as to expand electoral rights, in the ministry responsible to the Duma, in the abolition of the State Council, in a political amnesty. The Duma expressed mistrust to the government, but the latter could not resign (since it was responsible to the tsar).
A Duma crisis arose in the country. Some ministers spoke in favor of the entry of the Cadets into the government.
Milyukov raised the question of a purely Cadet government, a general political amnesty, the abolition of the death penalty, the liquidation of the State Council, universal suffrage, and the compulsory alienation of the landlords' lands. Goremykin signed a decree dissolving the Duma.
In response, about 200 deputies signed an appeal to the people in Vyborg, where they called on them to passive resistance.
II State Duma(February-June 1907) - opened on February 20, 1907 and lasted 103 days. 65 Social Democrats, 104 Trudoviks, 37 Socialist-Revolutionaries were elected to the Duma. There were 222 people in total. The peasant question remained central.
The Trudoviks proposed 3 bills, the essence of which boiled down to the development of free farming on free land.
On June 1, 1907, Stolypin, using a fake, decided to get rid of the strong left wing and accused 55 Social Democrats of conspiring to establish a republic.
The Duma created a commission to investigate the circumstances.
The commission concluded that the charge was sheer forgery. On June 3, 1907, the tsar signed a manifesto to dissolve the Duma and to amend the electoral law. The coup d'état on June 3, 1907 marked the end of the revolution.
III State Duma(1907-1912) - 442 deputies.
Activity of the III Duma:
June 3, 1907 - amendment to the electoral law.
The majority in the Duma were: the Right-Octobrist and Octobrist-Cadet blocs.
Party composition: Octobrists, Black Hundreds, Cadets, Progressives, Peaceful Renovators, Social Democrats, Trudoviks, non-party members, Muslim group, deputies from Poland.
The Octobrist party had the largest number of deputies (125 people).
Over 5 years of work, 2,197 bills have been approved
Main questions:
1) worker: 4 draft laws were considered by the commission min.
STATE DUMA OF RUSSIA (1906-1917)
fin. Kokovtsev (on insurance, on conflict commissions, on shortening the working day, on the elimination of the law that punishes participation in strikes). They were limited in 1912.
2) national question: on zemstvos in the western provinces (the question of creating electoral curiae on a national basis; the law was adopted regarding 6 out of 9 provinces); the Finnish question (an attempt by political forces to achieve independence from Russia, a law was passed on equalizing the rights of Russian citizens with Finnish citizens, a law on the payment of $ 20 million.
marks by Finland in exchange for military service, the law on the limitation of the rights of the Finnish Sejm).
3) agrarian question: associated with the Stolypin reform.
Output: the third June system is the second step towards the transformation of the autocracy into a bourgeois monarchy.
Elections: multi-stage (occurred in 4 unequal curiae: landowning, urban, workers, peasants).
Half of the population (women, students, military personnel) were deprived of the right to vote.
IV State Duma(1912-1917) - Chairman Rodzianko. The Duma was dissolved by the interim government due to the beginning of the elections to the Constituent Assembly.
Composition of deputies of the State Duma 1906-1907
Deputies of the State Duma of the 1st convocation
The left-wing parties announced a boycott of the elections due to the fact that, in their opinion, the Duma could not have any real influence on the life of the state.
The extreme right-wing parties also boycotted the elections.
The elections lasted for several months so that by the time the Duma began its work, about 480 out of 524 deputies had been elected.
State Duma of the Russian Empire
In terms of its composition, the First State Duma turned out to be almost the most democratic parliament in the world. The main party in the First Duma was the Party of Constitutional Democrats (Cadets), which represented the liberal spectrum of Russian society.
According to party affiliation, the deputies were distributed as follows: cadets - 176, Octobrists (the official name of the party - "Union of October 17"; adhered to the center-right political views and supported the Manifesto of October 17) - 16, Trudoviks (the official name of the party - "Labor group"; center-left) - 97, Social Democrats (Mensheviks) - 18.
The non-party right, close in political views to the Cadets, soon united in the Progressist Party, which included 12 people. The rest of the parties were organized along ethnic lines (Polish, Estonian, Lithuanian, Latvian, Ukrainian) and sometimes united in a union of autonomists (about 70 people).
There were about 100 non-party deputies in the First Duma. Among the non-party deputies were representatives of the extremely radical Socialist Revolutionary Party (SR). They did not unite into a separate faction, since the Social Revolutionaries officially took part in the boycott of the elections.
Cadet S. A. Muromtsev became the chairman of the first State Duma.
In the very first hours of its work, the Duma showed its extremely radical mood.
The government of S. Yu. Witte did not prepare major bills that the Duma was supposed to consider. It was assumed that the Duma itself would be engaged in lawmaking and coordinate the bills under consideration with the government.
Seeing the radicalism of the Duma, its unwillingness to work constructively, the Minister of Internal Affairs P.A.Stolypin insisted on its dissolution. On July 9, 1906, the imperial manifesto on the dissolution of the First State Duma was published.
It also announced the holding of new elections.
180 deputies, who did not recognize the dissolution of the Duma, held a meeting in Vyborg, at which they worked out an appeal to the people, urging them not to pay taxes and not give recruits.
Deputies of the State Duma of the II convocation
In January and February 1907, elections were held to the second State Duma.
The election rules have not changed since the elections to the first Duma. Election campaign was free only for right-wing parties. The executive branch hoped that the new composition of the Duma would be ready for constructive cooperation. But, despite the decline in revolutionary sentiments in society, the second Duma turned out to be no less oppositional than the previous one.
Thus, the Second Duma was doomed even before the start of work.
The left-wing parties abandoned the boycott tactics and received a significant share of the votes in the new Duma. In particular, representatives of the radical party of Socialist-Revolutionaries (SRs) were elected to the Second Duma.
The extreme right-wing parties also entered the Duma. Representatives of the centrist party "Union of October 17" (Octobrists) entered the new Duma. Most of the seats in the Duma belonged to Trudoviks and Cadets.
518 deputies were elected.
The Cadets, having lost part of their mandates in comparison with the first Duma, retained a significant number of seats in the second. In the Second Duma, this faction consisted of 98 people.
A significant part of the mandates were received by the left-wing factions: Social Democrats - 65, Socialist-Revolutionaries - 36, the Party of People's Socialists - 16, Trudoviks - 104. In the Second Duma, there were also right-wing factions: the Octobrists - 32, the fraction of the moderate right - 22. In the Second Duma there were national factions: the Polish colo (representative of the Kingdom of Poland) - 46, the Muslim faction - 30.
The Cossack faction was represented, which included 17 deputies. There were 52 non-party members in the Second Duma.
The Second State Duma began work on February 20, 1907. Cadet F.A.Golovin was elected chairman. On March 6, Chairman of the Council of Ministers P. A. Stolypin made a speech in the State Duma.
He announced that the government intends to carry out large-scale reforms with the aim of turning Russia into a state governed by the rule of law. A number of bills were proposed for consideration by the Duma. On the whole, the Duma reacted negatively to the government's proposals. There was no constructive dialogue between the government and the Duma.
The reason for the dissolution of the second State Duma was the accusation of some Social Democrats in cooperation with the militant workers' squads.
On June 1, the government demanded immediate permission from the Duma to arrest them. A Duma commission was formed to consider this issue, but the decision was never made, since on the night of June 3, the imperial manifesto was published, announcing the dissolution of the second State Duma. It said: “Not with a pure heart, not with a desire to strengthen Russia and improve its system, many of the people sent from the population began to work, but with a clear desire to increase the turmoil and contribute to the disintegration of the state.
The activities of these persons in the State Duma served as an insurmountable obstacle to fruitful work. The spirit of enmity was introduced into the environment of the Duma itself, which prevented a sufficient number of its members from uniting, who wanted to work for the benefit of their native land. "
In the same manifesto, it was announced that the law on elections to the State Duma was changed.
Deputies of the State Duma of the III convocation
Under the new electoral law, the size of the landowning curia increased significantly, and the size of the peasant and workers' curia decreased. Thus, the landowning curia had 49% of the total number of electors, the peasant curia - 22%, the workers' curia - 3%, the urban curia - 26%.
The urban curia was divided into two categories: the first congress of urban voters (the big bourgeoisie), which had 15% of the total number of all electors, and the second congress of urban voters (the petty bourgeoisie), which had 11%.
The representation of the national outskirts of the empire was sharply reduced. For example, from Poland now 14 deputies could be elected against the 37 who were previously elected.
In total, the number of deputies in the State Duma was reduced from 524 to 442.
The Third State Duma was much more loyal to the government than its predecessors, which ensured its political longevity. Most of the seats in the third State Duma were won by the Octobrist party, which became the government's mainstay in parliament. Right-wing parties also won a significant number of seats. The representation of the Cadets and Social Democrats has sharply decreased in comparison with the previous Dumas.
A party of progressives was formed, which in its political views was between the Cadets and the Octobrists.
According to factional affiliation, the deputies were distributed as follows: moderate right - 69, nationalists - 26, right - 49, Octobrists - 148, progressives - 25, cadets - 53, social democrats - 19, labor party - 13, Muslim party - 8, Polish - 11, Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian group - 7.
Depending on the proposed bill, either a Right-wing Octobrist or a Cadet-Octobrist majority was formed in the Duma. and during the work of the third State Duma, three of its chairmen were replaced: N.A.Khomyakov (November 1, 1907 - March 1910), A.
I. Guchkov (March 1910-1911), M. V. Rodzianko (1911-1912).
The Third State Duma had less powers than its predecessors. Thus, in 1909, military legislation was withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the Duma. The Third Duma devoted most of its time to agrarian and labor issues, as well as to the issue of governance on the outskirts of the empire.
Among the main bills passed by the Duma are laws on private peasant land ownership, insurance for workers, and the introduction of local self-government in the western regions of the empire.
Deputies of the State Duma of the IV convocation
Elections to the Fourth State Duma were held in September-October 1912. The main issue discussed during the election campaign was the question of the constitution.
All parties, with the exception of the extreme right, were in favor of the constitutional order.
The majority of the seats in the Fourth State Duma were won by the Octobrist party and the right-wing parties. We retained the influence of the Cadet and Progressist parties. The Trudovik and Social Democratic parties won an insignificant number of seats. By faction, the deputies were distributed as follows: right - 64, Russian nationalists and moderate right - 88, Octobrists - 99, progressives - 47, cadets - 57, Polish colo - 9, Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian group - 6, Muslim group - 6, Trudoviks - 14, Social Democrats - 4.
The government, which after the assassination of P.A.Stolypin in September 1911 was headed by V.N.Kokovtsev, could only rely on the right-wing parties, since the Octobrists in the Fourth Duma, like the Cadets, entered the legal opposition.
The Fourth State Duma began work on November 15, 1912. Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko was elected Chairman.
The Fourth Duma demanded significant reforms, which the government did not agree to.
In 1914, after the outbreak of the First World War, the opposition wave temporarily subsided. But soon, after a series of defeats at the front, the Duma again assumed a sharply oppositional character. The confrontation between the Duma and the government led to a state crisis.
In August 1915, a progressive bloc was formed, which won a majority in the Duma (236 out of 422 seats).
It included Octobrists, progressives, cadets, and part of the nationalists. The Octobrist S. I. Shchidlovsky became the formal leader of the bloc, but in fact it was headed by the cadet P. N. Milyukov. The main goal of the bloc was to form a "government of popular confidence", which would include representatives of the main Duma factions and which would bear responsibility to the Duma, and not to the tsar. The program of the progressive bloc was supported by many noble organizations and some members of the royal family, but Nicholas II himself refused to even consider it, considering it impossible to replace the government and carry out any reforms during the war.
The Fourth State Duma lasted until the February Revolution and after February 25, 1917.
was no longer officially going to. Many deputies entered the Provisional Government, and the Duma continued to meet privately and give advice to the government. On October 6, 1917, in connection with the forthcoming elections to the Constituent Assembly, the Provisional Government decided to dissolve the Duma.
The First State Duma, with the dominant party of people's freedom, sharply pointed out to the government the mistakes of the latter in matters of state administration.
Taking into account that the second place was occupied in the second Duma by the opposition, represented by the People's Freedom Party, whose deputies amounted to about 20%, it turns out that the second Duma was also hostile to the government.
The Third Duma, thanks to the law of June 3, 1907, turned out to be different. It was dominated by the Octobrists, who became a government party and took a hostile position not only to socialist parties, but also to opposition parties, like the party of people's freedom and progressives.
Teaming up with the right-wing and nationalists, the Octobrists formed a government-obedient center of 277 deputies, representing almost 63% of all Duma members, which contributed to the adoption of a number of bills. The Fourth Duma had pronounced flanks (left and right) with a very moderate center (conservatives), the work of which was complicated by internal political events.
Thus, having considered a number of significant factors that influenced the activities of the first parliament in the history of Russia, then one should turn to the legislative process carried out in the State Duma.
The introduction of a constitutional system and, accordingly, the creation of representative institutions was the militant slogan of the political opposition in Russia throughout the entire 19th century. On more than one occasion, the establishment of elected legislative or, at least, legislative institutions was part of the government's intentions. Alexander I seriously thought about introducing a constitution, but in 1819 he finally abandoned this intention. The reforms of the 1860s-70s, which created elective bodies of zemstvo and city self-government, revived hopes for the "crown of the building" of reforms in the form of a constitution. The decree, which practically meant the creation of elective legislative institutions, was signed on the eve of his death by Alexander II, but after the terrorist act on March 1, 1881, this decree was canceled. For some time (in 1883) Alexander III also thought about convening a legislative council of the Zemsky Sobor, but soon moved on to a policy of counter-reforms and the preservation of the autocracy. His successor Nicholas II, in one of his first public speeches, called the constitutional hopes of the zemstvo opposition "senseless dreams." In the minds of the members of the imperial family, the higher bureaucracy, most of the officer corps and bureaucracy, as well as in the conservative-minded part of society, the conviction of the need for autocracy for Russia was established. Ascending the throne, the Russian monarchs took an oath to preserve the inviolability of autocratic power, which they were to pass on to their heirs.
Only the revolutionary events of 1905 and heavy defeats during the Russo-Japanese War forced Nicholas II and the most pragmatic statesmen to embark on the path of fundamental transformations of the state system. On August 6, 1905, the Manifesto was promulgated on the establishment of a new elected supreme legislative institution - the State Duma. But this Duma (which went down in history under the name "Bulygin" after the then Minister of Internal Affairs A.G. Bulygin) was never convened. Under the pressure of the revolutionary events that led to a general political strike in October 1905, the government had to make further concessions. On October 17, 1905, the Manifesto was signed, which proclaimed the granting of fundamental political freedoms to the population of Russia and the transformation of the Duma into a legislative institution. The third clause of the Manifesto established "as an unshakable rule that no law could take effect without the approval of the State Duma." On December 11 of the same year, a law was adopted that expanded the electoral rights of townspeople and provided for the representation of workers in the Duma.
On February 20, 1906, a new edition of the Basic Laws of the Russian Empire was approved. From now on, the State Council was transformed from a legislative council into a legislative institution - "the upper house of the Russian parliament." Half of the members of the State Council were still appointed by the emperor, and half were elected by provincial zemstvos, provincial noble societies, trade and industrial organizations, as well as universities and the Academy of Sciences. Three members of the State Council from the Orthodox Church were appointed by the Synod.
According to the Basic Laws on February 20, 1906, both the Duma and the State Council had only legislative powers. The executive branch did not obey them. Only the emperor could appoint and dismiss ministers. Some historians call such a state system a "dualistic monarchy", and the Gotha Almanac defined it as "autocracy with the State Duma." But although the Minister of Finance (V.N. Kokovtsov, in 1907) declared from the Duma rostrum that "we, thank God, do not yet have a parliament", the state system of the Russian Empire henceforth included such an inalienable sign of constitutionalism as the impossibility of besides the popular representations to adopt a new law and, most importantly, to spend budgetary funds. Another thing is that Nicholas II and the court circles close to him could not completely reconcile themselves to the need to somehow limit their power and were extremely suspicious of the Duma, and a significant part of the Duma was in irreconcilable opposition to the supreme power and the government.
Art. 87 Basic laws allowed the Council of Ministers in the intervals between sessions of the Duma in urgent cases to submit directly to the emperor for approval of decrees. But these decrees could not amend either the Basic State Laws, or the institutions of the State Council or the State Duma, or the decisions on elections to the State Council or the Duma. The effect of these decrees was terminated if, within two months after the resumption of the work of the Duma, the corresponding draft law was not submitted to the Duma, or if it was rejected by the Duma or the State Council.
The composition of the Duma was determined at 524 members. The elections were neither general nor equal. The voting rights were possessed by Russian male subjects who had reached the age of 25 and met a number of estate-property requirements. Students, military personnel and persons on trial or convicted were not allowed to participate in the elections.
The elections were carried out in several stages, according to the curiae, formed according to the estate-property principle: landowners, peasants and the urban curia. The electors from the curia formed provincial assemblies, which elected the deputies. The largest cities had a separate representation. Elections on the outskirts of the empire were carried out according to curiae, formed mainly according to the religious-national principle, with the provision of advantages to the Russian population. The so-called "wandering foreigners" were generally deprived of the right to vote. In addition, the representation of the outskirts was reduced. A separate workers' curia was also formed, which elected 14 deputies of the Duma. In 1906, there was one elector for 2 thousand landowners (mainly landowners), 4 thousand townspeople, 30 thousand peasants and 90 thousand workers.
The State Duma was elected for a five-year term, but even before the expiration of this term, it could be dissolved at any time by decree of the emperor. At the same time, the emperor was legally obliged to simultaneously appoint new elections to the Duma and the date for its convocation. Sessions of the Duma could also be interrupted at any time by an imperial decree. The duration of the annual classes of the State Duma and the timing of the break of its studies during the year were determined by decrees of the emperor.
The First and Second Dumas were dissolved before the deadline, the sessions of the Fourth Duma were interrupted by a decree on February 25, 1917. Only the Third Duma worked for the full term.
The basis of the legislative competence of the State Duma was clause 3 of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which established "as an unshakable rule that no law could accept force without the approval of the State Duma." This norm was enshrined in Art. 86 of the Basic Laws of the Russian Empire as amended on April 23, 1906. In practice, the legislative competence of the Duma was repeatedly subjected to significant restrictions.
The terms of reference of the State Duma included the consideration of "assumptions" requiring the publication of laws and states, as well as their changes, additions, suspension and cancellation. But Art. 96 of the Basic Laws removed from the jurisdiction of the Duma decisions on combat, technical and economic parts, as well as regulations and orders to institutions and officials of the military and naval departments, if they did not concern the subjects of general laws, did not require new expenditures from the treasury or this expense was covered by financial estimates of the military or naval departments. All these questions were in the personal jurisdiction of the emperor as "the sovereign leader of the Russian army and navy." And on September 24, 1909, the jurisdiction of the emperor was attributed to "all legislative matters in general" in the military and naval departments, including the states, as well as legislative matters relating to the treasury.
The main competence of the State Duma was budgetary. The state list of income and expenses, together with the financial estimates of ministries and main departments, was subject to the consideration and approval of the Duma, with the exception of: loans for the expenses of the Ministry of the Imperial Court and institutions under its jurisdiction in amounts not exceeding the list of 1905, and changes in these loans due to " Institution of the Imperial Family "; credits for expenses not provided for by the estimates for "urgent needs during the year" (in an amount not exceeding the list of 1905); payments on government debts and other government obligations; income and expenses contributed to the draft painting on the basis of applicable laws, regulations, states, timetables and imperial orders given in the order of the supreme government.
The urgent expenses not stipulated by the state list were also subject to approval by the Duma. The Duma considered the reports of the State Audit Office on the execution of the state list.
Another important area of the State Duma's activity was legislation on private economic issues. Cases on the alienation of part of state revenues or property, requiring approval by the emperor, were subject to consideration by the Duma. The Duma considered bills on the construction of railways at the expense of the treasury, on the establishment of statutes of joint-stock companies, which demanded exemption from existing laws, estimates and distribution of zemstvo duties in areas in which zemstvo institutions were not introduced, as well as cases on increasing zemstvo or city taxation in comparison with by certain zemstvo assemblies and city councils in size.
The State Duma was also supposed to consider cases brought up for discussion by special orders of the emperor.
The State Duma had the right to initiate suggestions about the abolition or amendment of existing laws and the issuance of new laws, with the exception of the Basic Laws, "the initiative for revising which" belonged to "the sole sovereign emperor." But the implementation of this right was conditional on the observance of a number of complex procedures. Proposals for the issuance of a new law or the abolition or amendment of the current one had to be submitted to the chairman of the State Duma at least 30 deputies. These proposals had to be submitted in writing. They must have been accompanied by a draft of the main provisions of the proposed amendment to the law or a new law, with an explanatory note to the draft. Subject to these conditions, the draft law was put for discussion in the Duma, and the day of this discussion was obligatory notified to the relevant ministers. If the State Duma agreed with the need to issue a new law or amend the existing one, the development of the bill was proposed to the ministers and chief executives who headed the relevant departments. And only if the department refused to draw up a bill, the Duma formed a commission from its members to develop the bill and considered it in its sessions. In practice, the State Duma most often considered bills submitted by the government.
Bills adopted by the Duma were sent to the State Council. If it was rejected by the State Council, the same draft could be submitted to the same Duma session, but only with the permission of the emperor. Bills approved by the Duma and the State Council were presented to the emperor and, if approved, received the force of law. Bills rejected by the emperor could not be submitted for legislative consideration during the same session.
The reformed State Council formally had the same rights as the Duma to initiate legislation. Bills developed on the initiative of the State Council were submitted to the State Duma for consideration and only after the approval of the latter were submitted for the highest approval.
Another prerogative of the "Russian parliament" was "the possibility of real participation in overseeing the lawfulness of the actions of ... the authorities." On the facts of revealed abuses and violations of the law, the Duma had the right to send inquiries to ministers and chief executives. In accordance with Art. 59 Institutions of the State Duma, within a month from the date of the request, she should have received an explanation or a notice of the reasons for refusing to clarify. If, by a majority of 2/3 of votes, the Duma recognized the explanations received as unsatisfactory, the case was presented to the emperor. But the Duma's inquiries were also framed with a number of formalities. The request had to be signed by at least 30 MPs. If the majority of the members of the Duma refused to recognize the request as hasty, it was submitted for preliminary consideration to a special commission. If the opposition-minded I and II Dumas constantly annoyed the ministers with their inquiries, then in the III and IV Dumas the opportunity for the opposition to send a request often encountered significant difficulties due to the complexity of the procedure.
The State Duma also had the right to ask the heads of departments for explanations on the cases it was considering. The ministers could give all explanations both personally and through their comrades or the heads of central divisions (departments, main departments, etc.) of this department. Clarifications were presented orally during the sessions of the Duma.
Ministers had the right to speak at meetings of the Duma every time they expressed such a desire, and to be present at all Duma meetings.
The first elections to the State Duma were held in an atmosphere of continuing revolutionary upsurge and high civil activity of the population. For the first time in the history of Russia, legal political parties appeared, and open political campaigning began. These elections brought a convincing victory to the Cadets - the Party of People's Freedom, the most organized and included in its composition the flower of the Russian intelligentsia. The extreme left parties (Bolsheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries) boycotted the elections. Some of the peasant deputies and radical intellectuals formed a "labor group" in the Duma. Moderate deputies formed a faction of "peaceful renewal", but they were not much more than 5% of the total composition of the Duma. The rightists found themselves in the minority in the First Duma.
The State Duma opened on April 27, 1906. S.A. Muromtsev, a professor, a prominent lawyer, and a representative of the Cadet Party, was almost unanimously elected Chairman of the Duma.
From the very first steps, the Duma took a position of sharp confrontation with the government, and the government did not consider it possible to work with the Duma, where the opposition had an impressive majority. In its address to the emperor, the Duma included a demand for a general political amnesty, but the emperor refused to accept the Duma delegation. The Duma strove to expand its powers ("Let the executive power submit to the legislative power," said the deputy of the Duma, the cadet V.D. Nabokov). The government submitted several bills to the Duma on apparently secondary issues, which caused a negative reaction from the deputies. At the same time, the Duma amended the draft law of the Ministry of Finance on an oversized allocation of 50 million rubles to help the hungry: they allocated only 15 million so that the government would turn to the Duma again, if necessary, and before that, within a month, it revised the entire expenditure side of the 1906 budget. d. This was the only bill that passed through the Duma and received the force of law in the prescribed manner. And the bill on the abolition of the death penalty, adopted on the initiative of the Duma, lay for more than 7 months in the State Council, which eventually refused to consider it under the pretext that the Duma that had adopted it had already been dissolved.
On July 9, 1906, the State Duma of the 1st convocation was dissolved by the Emperor's Manifesto. In response, 180 Duma deputies appealed to the people with an appeal for civil disobedience. In the conditions of the recession of the revolution, this appeal did not have significant consequences, but the signers of the Vyborg appeal were brought to trial. Although the sentences were comparatively lenient, they deprived many prominent members of the liberal community of the right to vote.
The elections to the Duma of the second convocation gave an even more radical result. In the Second Duma, left-wing groups had a majority - a total of 222 mandates, while the Cadets had only 98. 43 deputies were elected from the Union on October 17, a moderately liberal party. The right-wing parties were unable to win more than 30 seats in the Duma. Cadet F.A. Golovin was elected chairman of the Second Duma.
The new Duma opened on February 20, 1907. It was even more sharply oppositional. Duma bills on the alienation of landowners' lands posed a particular danger to the authorities. But this time the opposition Duma was opposed by the energetic chairman of the Council of Ministers P.A. Stolypin. From the Duma rostrum, he said that all the anti-government speeches of the Duma "boil down to two words addressed to the authorities:" hands up. " To these two words, gentlemen, the government with complete calmness, with the consciousness of its righteousness, can answer only with two words: "you will not intimidate." After the Duma refused to expel 55 deputies from the Social Democratic faction, accused (with the help of police provocation) of preparing a coup d'etat, from its membership, the Second Duma was dissolved on June 3, 1906. At the same time, contrary to the basic laws, a new regulation on elections to the State Duma was published. Thus, the government and the emperor carried out a coup d'état.
Under the new regulation on elections, the number of deputies of the State Duma was reduced to 442. The number of electors from the curia of landowners was increased by one and a half times, and from peasants was reduced by more than two times. The city curia was divided into 2 categories, and the first included large owners, owners of real estate, and the second included all the rest. The number of electors from the 1st category exceeded the number of electors from the 2nd category by almost 1.3 times. The number of cities with a separate representation was reduced from 26 to 7. The representation of national outskirts was reduced by more than 3 times. Thus, the government ensured a more conservative composition of the Duma.
The Third Duma, which opened on November 1, 1907, was dominated by right-wing and moderate liberals. 136 seats belonged to the Octobrists. 91 deputies joined the "national" faction, which united the moderate right and nationalists. 51 deputies belonged to the extreme right. The left flank of the Duma consisted of 39 deputies from the moderate party of "peaceful renewal", 53 cadets, 13 Trudoviks and 19 Social Democrats. 26 deputies belonged to national groups ("Polish Kolo", Muslim group, etc.). The government majority was made up of the "national" faction and the Octobrists.
The Octobrist N.A. Khomyakov was elected Chairman of the Third Duma, and after his voluntary resignation on March 4, 1910, the Octobrist leader A.I. Guchkov.
It is precisely from the Third Duma that one can speak of the State Duma as an effective body of legislative power. For 5 years of its work, the III Duma approved more than 2 thousand bills, including such important ones as the law on June 14, 1910 on peasant land tenure, which became the legislative basis for the Stolypin reform, the law on June 15, 1912 on the local court, law 23 June 1912 on workers' insurance, etc. The budgeting process has come into normal scope. While defending their budgetary claims, the ministers learned to find a common language with the Duma. The State Duma, as a rule, met the government halfway in allocations for defense needs. Gradually, certain traditions took shape both in the work of the “first Russian parliament” and in the government's interaction with it.
According to Art. 62 Institutions of the State Duma, the details of the Duma's internal regulations and the duties of its apparatus were to be determined by the "Order" worked out by the Duma itself. The Provisional Order was adopted on November 5, 1907, and was finally approved only on June 2, 1909.
To speak at the general meeting of the Duma, the deputies had to submit an application to the chairman. The word was given on a first come, first served basis. All speeches were to be delivered only from the Duma rostrum. Among the members of the State Duma there were many brilliant orators, both among the left and among the right. Gradually, ministers began to acquire the skills of public eloquence. On the whole, the level of speeches on the Duma rostrum was very high both for the then, and even more so for today's Russia.
All speeches in the Duma were stenographed. Verbatim records were published.
In accordance with the regulations, the speakers were prohibited from resorting to personal attacks and harsh expressions, offending the religious feelings of the people, praising or justifying criminal acts, and calling for a violent change in the state system. In case of violation of these rules, the presiding judge issued a warning to the speaker, and after the third warning he deprived him of the floor. For inappropriate behavior or violation of the rules, the deputy could be deprived of the right to attend a certain number (10, 15, etc.) of meetings.
Order at the meetings was ensured by the presiding officer, as well as the Duma bailiffs subordinate to him, whose duties included the removal from the conference room of persons who refused to leave the hall voluntarily.
Duma meetings were not always distinguished by decorum and order. Some deputies, mainly from the extreme right camp (N.E. Markov, V.M. Purishkevich), often interrupted the orators with insulting shouts from their seats, made scandals. The case in the Duma did not reach the point of assault.
The presence of unauthorized persons (for example, journalists) was allowed with special tickets. Some sessions of the Duma could be declared closed.
The work of the Duma was led by a presidium elected from among the deputies (not formally provided for by law). The Presidium consisted of the Chairman of the State Duma, his 2 comrades (in modern language, the deputy), the secretary and comrades of the secretary. The Chairman of the State Duma had the right to report personally to the emperor on the activities of the Duma.
To consider general issues of the activities of the State Duma, a State Duma meeting was established consisting of the chairman, comrades of the chairman, secretary and comrade (since November 8, 1907 - senior comrade) secretary. The Chairman of the Duma also periodically convened meetings of representatives of parties and groups.
To consider the economic issues of the Duma's activities, an Administrative Commission was created.
Duma office work was carried out by the Chancellery of the State Duma, which was finally constituted on July 1, 1908. The secretary of the State Duma was in charge of the Chancellery, and its staff were government officials.
The State Duma also included a bailiff section, a library, an economic section and a medical section.
For the term of office of each convocation of the Duma, all its members were distributed (by lot) into 11 departments. These departments were entrusted with checking the powers of the members of the Duma (the legality of the election), as well as (if necessary) other matters.
At the general meeting of the Duma, its commissions were elected by secret ballot. The standing commissions of the Duma were: the Budget Commission (1906 - 1917), the Financial Commission (1906 - 1917), the Commission for the Review of the State List of Income and Expenditures (1906 - 1917), the Commission on Inquiries (1909 - 1917). ; before that, in 1907 - 1909, it had the status of a temporary commission), the Editorial Commission (1906 - 1917), the Library Commission (1906 - 1917), the Personnel Commission (1909 - 1917), as well as the already mentioned Administrative Commission (1906 - 1917). In fact, the Commission on Military and Naval Affairs was also permanent (until 1912 - the Commission on National Defense). Temporary commissions were created to consider certain bills or issues and ended their activities after the issue was referred to the general meeting of the Duma.
Fractions played a significant role in the work of the Duma. The degree of influence of this or that party depended on their organization and cohesion.
In the III and IV Dumas, the government majority was not possible without the Octobrists. But this moderately liberal and generally loyal to the government party regularly had to demonstrate its independence. So, for example, in protest against the rude pressure of P.A. Stolypin (who obtained from the emperor after the rejection of his bill on the introduction of zemstvo in the western provinces by the State Council, the dissolution of both chambers for 3 days and the implementation of this law in the manner of Article 87 of the Basic Laws of the Russian Empire) to representative institutions A.I. Guchkov resigned from the post of chairman of the State Duma. His successor was M.V. Rodzianko, also an Octobrist, much more colorless, but able to find a common language both with the government and with the majority of the Duma deputies. Rodzianko retained his post in the Fourth Duma, until its dissolution in 1917.
The elections to the IV Duma strengthened the right and left flanks. In the State Duma of the 4th convocation, there were 64 right-wing deputies, 88 moderate right-wing and nationalists, 33 deputies of the "center group", 98 Octobrists, 59 Cadets and 48 progressists (a liberal party based on business circles that occupied an intermediate position between the Cadets and Octobrists, but on a number of issues even bypassed the Cadets on the left) and adjoining them, 10 Trudoviks, 14 Social Democrats (including 6 Bolsheviks). 21 MPs belonged to national groups.
The Octobrist Party split into factions of the Left Octobrists and the Zemstvo-Octobrists (the more right-wing). There was no unity among the moderate right. All this made the government majority in the Duma not very stable.
Russia's entry into the First World War was marked by a demonstration of patriotism and the unity of the Duma. Only the Bolshevik deputies, who were soon arrested and sentenced to life in exile for defeatist agitation, voted against the war credits.
But the military setbacks, the apparent inability of ministers and the government's unwillingness to cooperate with the public have strengthened the opposition sentiments of the majority of the deputies. In August 1915, the so-called Progressive Bloc was created, uniting the left side of the nationalists (“progressive nationalists”), the group of the center, the Octobrists-Zemstvo and Left Octobrists, the progressists and the Cadets. In the Duma, almost 2/3 of the deputies belonged to the bloc, and in the State Council, about 45%. The progressive bloc demanded the creation of a "government of confidence" (that is, supported by the Duma), sharply criticized the court camarilla. From now on, the government could no longer count on the support of the Duma majority.
In the days of the February Revolution, the emperor issued a decree terminating the session of the State Duma. But under the pressure of revolutionary events, the Progressive Bloc and left-wing deputies (Trudoviks and Social Democrats) formed the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, which inevitably had to become the center of power. The abdication first of Nicholas II, and then of the Grand Duke Mikhail and the formation (by agreement of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma with the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies) of the Provisional Government led to the actual cessation of the activities of the Duma. The new revolutionary government considered it unnecessary to rely on the authority of a pre-revolutionary representative institution. The State Duma was officially dissolved on October 6, 1917 in connection with the proclamation of Russia as a republic and the beginning of elections to the Constituent Assembly. The era of parliamentarism was receding into the past, the era of revolution and civil war began.
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The chairman of the Duma of the 1st convocation was S.A. Muromtsev (cadet)
Chairman's comrades - pr. P.D.Dolgorukov and N.A. Gredeskul (both cadets)
Secretary - pr. D.I.Shakhovskoy (cadet).
The chairman of the Duma of the 2nd convocation was F.A. Golovin (cadet)
Comrades of the chairman - N.N. Poznansky (non-party leftist) and M.E. Berezin (Trudovik)
Secretary - M.V. Chelnokov (cadet).
1st session from November 1, 1907 to June 28, 1908,
2nd - from October 15, 1908 to June 2, 1909,
3rd - from October 10, 1909 to June 17, 1910,
4th from October 15, 1910 to May 13, 1911,
5th - from October 15, 1911 to June 9, 1912
The chairmen of the Duma of the 3rd convocation were
N.A. Khomyakov (Octobrist) - from November 1, 1907 to March 4, 1910,
A.I. Guchkov (Octobrist) from October 29, 1910 to March 14, 1911,
M.V. Rodzianko (Octobrist) from March 22, 1911 to June 9, 1912
Chairman's comrades - pr. V.M. Volkonsky (moderate right), bar. A.F.Meyendorf (Octobrist) from November 5, 1907 to October 30, 1909, S.I.Shidlovsky (Octobrist) from October 30, 1909 to October 29, 1910, M.Ya. Kapustin (Octobrist) from October 29, 1910 to June 9, 1912
Secretary - I.P. Sozonovich (right).
1st session from November 15, 1912 to June 25, 1913,
2nd - from October 15, 1913 to June 14, 1914, extraordinary session - July 26, 1914,
3rd - from 27 to 29 January 1915,
4th from July 19, 1915 to June 20, 1916,
5th - from November 1, 1916 to February 25, 1917
The chairman of the Duma of the 4th convocation was M.V. Rodzianko (Octobrist)
Chairman's comrades - pr. D.D. Urusov (progressist) from November 20, 1912 to May 31, 1913, Prince. V.M. Volkonsky (non-partisan, moderately right) from December 1, 1912 to November 15, 1913, N.N. Lvov (progressist) from June 1 to November 15, 1913, A.I. Konovalov (progressist) from November 15, 1913 to May 13, 1914, S.T. Varun-Secret (Octobrist) from November 26, 1913 to November 3, 1916, A.D. Protopopov (Left Octobrist) from May 20, 1914 . to September 16, 1916, N.V. Nekrasov (cadet) from November 5, 1916 to March 2, 1917, gr. V.A. Bobrinsky (nationalist) from November 5, 1916 to February 25, 1917
Secretary - I.I.Dmitryukov (Octobrist).
Materials: D.I. Raskin,
Doctor of Historical Sciences,
head of scientific publications department
Russian State Historical Archive.
Electronic book "STATE DUMA IN RUSSIA IN 1906-2006" Session transcripts and other documents .; Staff of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation; Federal Archival Agency; Information company "Codex"; LLC Agora IT; Databases of the "Consultant Plus" company; OOO NPP Garant-Service;
The article is devoted to the consideration of key aspects of the process of formation and formation in 1994 of the lower chamber of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - the State Duma of the 1st convocation. The period of work of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first convocation coincided with a difficult period of the formation of a new Russian statehood after the events of the political crisis of October 1993. The article contains a list of political forces and parties - participants in the election campaign for the election of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation, a description of the results of these elections and the activities of the Duma in the period 1994-1995.
None of the party factions and deputy groups received such a majority of mandates that would allow it to claim leadership in the Duma. The balance of political forces supporting the policy of reforms and, conversely, being in opposition to the authorities, turned out to be approximately equal.
In comparison with the Supreme Soviet, which was dissolved in October 1993, the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation did not become less oppositional to the "ruling regime". The mood of the majority of the deputies towards him was very critical.
At the same time, the upper chamber of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - the Federation Council (chairman V.F. Shumeiko) with a considerable representation of the ruling regional elite, more interested in constructive interaction with the "center", was more depoliticized and "restrained" in relation to the federal government.
On February 16, 1994, in his first annual message to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation (“On strengthening the Russian state (main directions of domestic and foreign policy)”, Russian President Boris N. Yeltsin announced the creation of a “legal” and “social state” in the Russian Federation as the most important tasks. a competitive environment and a full-fledged structural stock market, as well as an increase in investment activity.
However, the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin did not manage to get support for the radical economic course in the State Duma of the first convocation, which led to some of its correction (removal from the Russian government of supporters of radical transformations E.T. Gaidar and B.G. Fedorov).
Social and political development of Russia in the 1990s. characterized by a multi-party system, organizational instability of political parties, their diversity and "multicolored", as well as the nature and methods of political struggle in the light of election campaigns for elections of deputies to the State Duma and local representative - legislative bodies of power.
On October 1, 1993, by decree of B.N. Yeltsin "On the approval of the revised version of the Regulations on the elections of deputies of the State Duma in 1993 and the introduction of amendments and additions to the Regulations on federal authorities for the transitional period" the quantitative composition of the State Duma of the Russian Federation increased from 400 to 450 deputies; an equal distribution of seats was established between those elected according to the majority and proportional (through party lists) systems (225 to 225).
October 11, 1993 - decree of B.N. Yeltsin "On elections to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation." According to it, the elective principle of forming the upper chamber of the Russian parliament was introduced: two deputies were elected from each constituent entity of the federation on the basis of the majority system in two-mandate (one district - two deputies) constituencies. The two candidates who received the largest number of votes became deputies.
Thus, this decree changed the provisions of decree No. 1400, according to which, initially, on December 11-12, 1993, elections were scheduled only to the State Duma of the Russian Federation - the lower house of parliament, and the role of the upper one was assigned to the Federation Council, the body in which each constituent entity of the federation had to be represented by the heads of the regional executive and legislative branches.
Abstract, keywords and phrases: parliament, State Duma, Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, political party, elections, faction, history of Russia.
Annotation
The article considers the key aspects of the process of formation and the formation in 1994 of the lower house of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation State Duma of the first convocation. The period of work of the State Duma of the first convocation coincided with a difficult period of formation of the new Russian state after the events of the political crisis of October 1993 article lists political forces and parties - participants of the election campaign on elections of deputies to the State Duma of the first convocation, presents a description of the results of these elections and the activities of the Council in the period 1994 - 1995.
None of the party factions and Deputy groups have not received such a majority of seats, which would allow it to compete for leadership in the Duma. Approximately equal was the correlation of political forces supporting policy reforms and, on the contrary, in opposition to power.
In comparison with dismissed in October 1993 by the Supreme Council of the State Duma of the first convocation was not less opposition to the "ruling regime". Mood most of the MPs in relation to him was very critical. While the upper chamber of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - the Federation Council (Chairman CF Shumeyko) with a considerable representation of the ruling elites, more interested in constructive cooperation with the "center" was more depoliticized and "restrained" in relation to the Federal government.
February 16, 1994, in his first annual address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation (“On the strengthening of the Russian state (the main directions of domestic and foreign policy)” the President of Russia BN Yeltsin announced the most important tasks of the establishment in the Russian Federation "legal" and "social state", the competitive environment and a full-structural stock market, as well as increased investment activity.
Note that because of the excessive politicization of the results of the Duma, especially at the first stage, was less than expected, although the Parliament and managed to take a number of important laws, including the Civil code (General part).
In February 1994, the Council announced an Amnesty for participants in August (1991) and October (1993) events.
April 28, 1994, adopted a Memorandum on civil peace and civil accord, signed by a majority of political parties and movements in Russia (except for the Communist party and Yabloko). However, the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin failed to get the State Duma of the first convocation support for radical economic policy, which led to some of its adjustment (removing from the Russian government supporters of the radical transformation of E.T. Gaidar and B.G. Fedorov).
Socio-political development of Russia in the period of the 1990s is characterized by a multiparty system, organizational instability of political parties, their diversity and "colors", as well as the nature and methods of political struggle in the light of the electoral campaign for the election of deputies to the State Duma and local representative legislative bodies.
The worsening economic situation in the country led to changes in the balance of political forces in society. This is amply demonstrated by the results of the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation, held on 17 December 1995, She was more politicized and opposition to the government and to the President than the previous one. The confrontation between the legislative and Executive authorities of the Russian Federation in the period 1994-1995 continued, but without acute forms of 1993, the activities of the State Duma of the first convocation (11 January 1994 - December 22, 1995) can be considered as the very fact of its appearance and start working.
On 1 October 1993 by the decree BN Yeltsin "On approval of the revised edition of the Regulations on the election of deputies of the State Duma in 1993 and the introduction of amendments and addenda to the Regulations on the Federal government for a transitional period of" quantitative composition of the State Duma of the Russian Federation increased from 400 to 450 deputies; was set equal to the distribution of seats between elected majoritarian and proportional (through party lists) systems.
October 11, 1993 - decree B. N. Yeltsin "On elections in the Council of Federation of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation". It was introduced the elective principle of the formation of the upper chamber of the Russian Parliament from each subject of the Federation was elected two MPs on the basis of the majority system in two (one district - two parliamentary) constituencies. Deputies became two candidates who obtained the largest number of votes.
Thus, this decree changed the provisions of decree No. 1400 which originally on 11-12 December 1993, he was appointed elections only in the State Duma, the lower house of Parliament, and the role was given to the Federation Council, the body in which every subject of the Federation was to be submitted by the heads of regional Executive and legislative authorities. In mid-October 1993 Russian election campaign on elections of deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. It was in the terms of certain decrees B.N. Yeltsin (referred to above) and contributed to the emergence of new political parties and movements. However, the Central election Commission of the Russian Federation registered the lists only 13 parties and movements, gathering required participating in these elections, the number of voter signatures.
Annotation, key words and phrases: parliament, State Duma, Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, political parties, elections, fraction, history of Russia.
About publication
State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation (1994 - 1995): The main aspects of the history of formation and formation
The period of formation and formation of Russia as an independent and independent state after the collapse of the USSR simultaneously passed with the active development of political and parliamentary processes in the country.
The elections to the First State Duma of modern Russia and its very activities have become one of the "central themes" of the socio-political development of our country in the 1990s. The main reason for this is the very fact of its appearance in 1993 due to:
- political and constitutional crisis in the Russian Federation in 1993;
- Decree No. 1400 of September 21, 1993 of the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin;
- nationwide vote on December 12, 1993 on the draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation and its adoption;
- elections on December 12, 1993 of deputies to the new legislative body of the country (according to the Constitution of the Russian Federation of 1993) - the Federal Assembly, consisting of two chambers - the Federation Council and the State Duma.
The process and conditions for holding elections to the "new parliament" - the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - were amended in October 1993.
On October 1, 1993, by decree of B.N. Yeltsin "On the approval of the revised version of the Regulations on the elections of deputies of the State Duma in 1993 and the introduction of amendments and additions to the Regulations on federal authorities for the transitional period" the quantitative composition of the State Duma of the Russian Federation increased from 400 to 450 deputies; an equal distribution of seats was established between those elected according to the majority and proportional (through party lists) systems (225 to 225).
October 11, 1993 - decree of B.N. Yeltsin "On elections to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation." According to it, the elective principle of forming the upper chamber of the Russian parliament was introduced: two deputies were elected from each constituent entity of the federation on the basis of the majority system in two-mandate (one district - two deputies) constituencies. The two candidates who received the largest number of votes became deputies.
Thus, this decree changed the provisions of decree No. 1400, according to which, initially, on December 11-12, 1993, elections were scheduled only to the State Duma of the Russian Federation - the lower house of parliament, and the role of the upper one was assigned to the Federation Council, the body in which each constituent entity of the Federation was to be represented by the heads of the regional executive and legislative branches.
In mid-October 1993, the pre-election campaign for the election of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation started in Russia. It took place in the conditions determined by the decrees of B.N. Yeltsin (discussed above), and contributed to the emergence of new political parties and movements. At the same time, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation registered the lists of only 13 parties and movements that collected the number of voters' signatures required to participate in these elections.
Some of the main participants in the election campaign for the election of deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation were:
1. Election bloc "Russia's Choice"(ВР) - created to support the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin and united supporters of the continuation of radical economic reforms in the country. The block was headed by the Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation E.T. Gaidar.
2. "Liberal Democratic Party of Russia"(LDPR). The party was founded on March 31, 1990 in Moscow (originally called the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union - LDPSS) and was registered on April 12, 1991.By the time of the first congress (March 31, 1990), the party united about four thousand people from 31 regions of the country.
The program and organizational guidelines of the party were defined in the program and charter of the party approved at the first congress. Subsequently, significant changes and additions were made to them. The congress elected V.V. Zhirinovsky. In addition, a 14-member Party Central Committee was elected. The first printed organ of the party was the newspaper Liberal, which later changed its name to Pravda Zhirinovsky, and then to LDPR. On December 14, 1992, the Liberal Democratic Party was registered for the second time, as the previous registration was canceled due to a gross violation of the law in connection with the provision of false documents.
LDPR advocated the revival of the Russian state within the borders of the USSR, a strong presidential republic with a regulated and socially oriented market economy. In the election campaign, she sharply raised the problems of the army, the protection of the rights of the Russian-speaking population in the republics of the former USSR, the situation of refugees from zones of interethnic conflicts.
The Liberal Democratic Party gained fame and was largely associated with the "charisma" of the personality of its leader V.V. Zhirinovsky, who proved to be a bright orator of a populist plan, capable of attracting the sympathy of a fairly wide number of voters with his targeted messages and actions.
3. Party of Russian Unity and Accord(PRES) is a party of Russian regions, whose political platform is based on the idea of developing federalism and local self-government. The party was headed by the Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation S.M. Shakhrai.
4. Electoral Association "YABLOKO", which got its name from the first letters of the names of its founders: G.A. Yavlinsky, Yu. Yu. Boldyrev and V.P. Lukin. On November 11, 1993 it was officially registered, and G.A. Yavlinsky.
"Yabloko" acted under the motto "Dignity, order, justice", set the goal of building a civil society and the rule of law in Russia, taking into account the historical and cultural characteristics of the country; ensuring the economic and political freedoms of citizens; creation of an efficient, socially oriented market economy. The association declared itself as a democratic opposition to the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin.
5. Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is the main opposition political force in the 1990s. to the ruling regime in the country, recreated in February 1993. During the period under review, it became the most massive public association in Russia, with more than 500 thousand members in its ranks. Party leader G.A. Zyuganov.
In the election campaign, she advocated a non-violent return of the country to the socialist path of development. In economic terms, she insisted on the formation of a multi-structured market economy with effective government regulation and active social policy. In the political sphere, she set herself the task of "ridding Russia of the ruling regime by legal means."
6. Agrarian Party of Russia- created in February 1993, the main ally of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in opposition to power. Party leader M.I. Lapshin.
The party considered it its duty to defend the interests of both the agro-industrial complex as a whole, and mainly those of its workers who are associated with enterprises of collective forms of ownership - former collective farms and state farms, which became joint-stock companies during the reform years (the interests of farmers undertook to defend the Peasant Party of Russia, headed by Yu D. Chernichenko, a member of the "Choice of Russia"). In addition, the party opposed private ownership of land, for a gradual transition to market relations and for state support for the agro-industrial complex.
On December 12, 1993, elections were held to a new representative and legislative body of Russia - the bicameral Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation (the upper chamber is the Federation Council, the lower one is the State Duma). The elections were held in constituencies and according to party lists.
Following the elections to the Federal Assembly, elections were held to local legislative assemblies and Dumas, created to replace the dissolved Soviets.
The election results were unexpected for President B.N. Yeltsin and his entourage. According to party lists, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR) - (leader V.V. Zhirinovsky) took the lead, receiving 25% of the votes. Having overtaken the pro-government block "Russia's Choice" headed by E.T. Gaidar, she lost to him only in the elections in single-mandate constituencies. The third and fourth places were taken by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) - (leader G.A. Zyuganov) and the allied Agrarian Party of Russia - (leader M.I. Lapshin).
At the same time, 7% of the ballots were declared invalid, and 17% of voters voted against all candidates, which testified to the dissatisfaction of a fairly large part of them with the authorities and all political forces.
The results of these elections demonstrated to the authorities the direct dissatisfaction of Russian citizens with the socio-economic situation in the country and the drop in living standards. Disappointed with the "shock therapy", the majority of their votes were given to the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, whose political alternative had not yet been tested in practice and had the ability to inspire serious hopes. Representatives of the Yabloko association, headed by G.A. Yavlinsky, who considered themselves a democratic alternative to the ruling regime of B.N. Yeltsin, received only 7.8% of the vote. January 11, 1994 the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first convocation, headed by the elected chairman I.P. Rybkin began her work. As part of the work in the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation, eight parliamentary factions were officially registered and, a little later, two deputy groups (at least 35 people) (Table 1).
Table 1. Fractions and deputy groups registered at the beginning of the work of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation (January 11, 1994 - December 22, 1995)
Thus, none of the party factions and deputy groups received such a majority of mandates that would allow it to claim leadership in the Duma. The balance of political forces supporting the policy of reforms and, conversely, being in opposition to the authorities, turned out to be approximately equal. In comparison with the Supreme Soviet, which was dissolved in October 1993, the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation did not become less oppositional to the "ruling regime". The mood of the majority of the deputies towards him was very critical. At the same time, the upper house of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation - the Federation Council (chairman VF Shumeiko) - with a considerable representation of the ruling regional elite, more interested in constructive interaction with the "center", acted more depoliticized and "restrained" in relation to the federal government. On February 16, 1994, in his first annual message to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation ("On the strengthening of the Russian state (main directions of domestic and foreign policy)", Russian President Boris N. Yeltsin declared the creation of a "legal" and "social state" in the Russian Federation as the most important tasks, a competitive environment and a full-fledged structural stock market, as well as an increase in investment activity.
Note that due to excessive politicization, the results of the Duma's activities, especially at the first stage, turned out to be less than expected, although the parliament was able to pass a number of important laws, including the Civil Code of the Russian Federation (general part).
In February 1994, the Duma announced an amnesty to the participants in the August (1991) and October (1993) events.
On April 28, 1994, a memorandum on civil peace and social harmony was adopted, signed by the majority of political parties and movements in Russia (except for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Yabloko).
However, the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin never managed to get support for the radical economic course in the State Duma of the first convocation, which led to some of its correction (the removal from the Russian government of supporters of radical transformations, E.T. Gaidar and B.G. Fedorov).
Social and political development of Russia in the 1990s. characterized by a multi-party system, organizational instability of political parties, their diversity and “multicolored”, as well as the nature and methods of political struggle in the light of election campaigns for elections of deputies to the State Duma and local representative legislative bodies.
The worsening economic situation in the country led to a change in the balance of political forces in society. This was clearly demonstrated by the results of the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation, which took place on December 17, 1995. It turned out to be even more politicized and oppositional to the government and the president than the previous one.
Confrontation between the legislative and executive authorities in the Russian Federation in the period 1994-1995. continued, but without acute forms in 1993. The very fact of its appearance and beginning of work can be considered the result of the activities of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st convocation (January 11, 1994 - December 22, 1995).
References / Spisok literatury
In Russian
- A.S. Barsenkov, A.I. Vdovin Russian history. 1917-2004: Textbook. manual for university students. - M .: Aspect Press, 2005 .-- 816 p.
- Information materials of the official website of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation / http://www.duma.gov.ru.
- Korotkevich V.I. History of modern Russia. 1991-2003: Textbook. allowance. - SPb .: Publishing house of St. Petersburg. University, 2004 .-- 296 p.
- Domestic history of Russia in recent times: 1985-2005: Textbook / Otv. ed. A.B. Beardless. - M: RGGU, 2007 .-- 804 p.
English
- Barsenkov A.S., Vdovin A.I. Istorija Rossii. 1917-2004 gg .: Ucheb. posobie dlja studentov vuzov. - M .: Aspekt Press, 2005 .-- 816 s.
- Informacionnye materialy oficial'nogo sajta Gosudarstvennoj Dumy Federal'nogo Sobranija RF / http://www.duma.gov.ru.
- Korotkevich V.I. Istorija sovremennoj Rossii. 1991-2003 gg .: Ucheb. posobie. - SPb .: Izd-vo S. - Peterb. un-ta, 2004 .-- 296 s.
- Otechestvennaja istorija Rossii novejshego vremeni: 1985-2005 gg .: Uchebnik / Otv. red. A.B. Bezborodoe. - M: RGGU, 2007 .-- 804 s.
FIRST STATE DUMA FIRST STATE DUMA
FIRST STATE DUMA - Russian representative legislative body (cm. LEGISLATIVE BODIES), in force from April 27 to July 8, 1906 for one session. The principles of the State Duma were determined by the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which declared the foundations of civil liberties and the convocation of a legislative body, to the elections of which all segments of the population would be allowed. Emperor Nicholas II Alexandrovich promised that no law could be approved by the tsar without the approval of the State Duma; the executive authorities should have ensured the possibility of participation of the State Duma deputies in the supervision of the implementation of legislation.
On December 11, 1905, a law on elections to the State Duma was passed (cm. STATE DUMA of the Russian Empire)... Retaining the curial system established earlier for the elections to the Bulygin Duma, the law added a workers' curia to the landowning, urban and peasant curiae and expanded the electorate in the town curia. 49% of all electors belonged to the peasant curia. According to the workers' curia, men employed in enterprises with at least 50 workers were allowed to take part in the elections. This and other restrictions disenfranchised about 2 million male workers. The elections were not general (women, youth under 25, active servicemen, a number of national minorities were excluded), not equal (one elector per two thousand population in the landowning curia, 4 thousand in the city, 30 thousand in the peasant 90 thousand - in the working class), not direct (two-, but for workers and peasants three- and four-degree).
Having recognized the legislative rights of the State Duma, the tsar (cm. TSAR) tried to limit them in every possible way. By the Manifesto of February 20, 1906, the highest legislative institution of the Russian Empire - the State Council, which had existed since 1810, was transformed into the upper legislative chamber with the right to veto decisions of the State Duma. The manifesto on February 20, 1906, clarified that the State Duma has no right to change the basic state laws. A significant part of the state budget was withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the State Duma. According to the new edition of the basic state laws of April 23, 1906, the emperor retained full power to govern the country through the government responsible only to him, the leadership of foreign policy, the management of the army and navy. The tsar could issue laws between sessions, which were then only formally approved by the State Duma.
Bolsheviks (cm. BOLSHEVIKI) called for a boycott of the State Duma elections, hoping to overthrow the autocracy in a revolutionary way. However, in the conditions of the recession of the revolutionary movement, the boycott did not succeed. Elections to the State Duma were held in February-March 1906. Of the 478 elected deputies of the Cadets, there were 161, autonomists (members of the Polish Kolo, Ukrainian, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian ethnic groups) - 70, Octobrists - 13, non-party - 100, Trudoviks - 107. The Trudovik faction included ten Social Democrats, mostly Mensheviks. They were elected by votes of mainly peasant and city electors. In June 1906, by decision of the Fourth Congress of the RSDLP, the Social Democratic deputies separated into an independent faction.
The grand opening of the State Duma took place on April 27, 1906 in the Throne Room of the Winter Palace (cm. WINTER PALACE) In Petersburg. One of the leaders of the cadets, professor at Moscow University, lawyer S.A. Muromtsev. The agrarian issue became central at the meetings of the First State Duma. The Cadets advocated the partial compulsory alienation of the landlords' land. On May 8, they submitted to the State Duma a bill signed by 42 deputies, proposing land allotment to peasants at the expense of state, monastery, church, appanage, cabinet lands, as well as partial alienation of landowners' land for ransom "according to a fair estimate." However, on the eve of the convocation of the State Duma, the government decided to dissolve it if the question of the compulsory alienation of land is raised. The Trudoviks came out on May 23 with their agrarian bill ("Project 104"), in which they demanded the alienation of landlord and private land that exceeded the "labor norm", the creation of a "national land fund" and the introduction of equal land use according to the "labor norm." It was a revolutionary bill that meant the elimination of landlord ownership. On June 8, 1906, a group of 33 deputies introduced a draft land law, which was based on the views of the Social Revolutionaries. This project required the immediate destruction of private land ownership, land socialization and equal land use. The State Duma refused to discuss the radical "Project 33". The Social Democratic faction voted for the Trudoviks' agrarian project. In response to land reform projects in the State Duma, the government issued a statement on June 20, in which it categorically spoke up for the inviolability of landlord ownership of land.
From the very beginning of its activity, the First State Duma has demonstrated that it does not intend to put up with authoritarianism. (cm. AUTHORITARISM) royal power. In response to the tsar's speech to the throne on May 5, 1906, the Duma adopted an address in which it demanded an amnesty for political prisoners, the real implementation of political freedoms, universal equality, and the elimination of state, appanage and monastery lands. Eight days later, Chairman of the Council of Ministers I.L. Goremykin rejected all the demands of the State Duma. That, in turn, passed a resolution of no confidence in the government, demanding its resignation. For 72 days of its work, the First State Duma accepted 391 requests for illegal actions of the government. In the face of actual confrontation between the State Duma and the government, Nicholas II decided to use his right to dissolve the State Duma at any time, which he did, substantiating his decision with the wording “for avoiding issues beyond the competence of the Duma”. The Tsar's manifesto on the dissolution of the First State Duma was published on July 9, 1906.
encyclopedic Dictionary. 2009 .
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This article is about the modern State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Wikipedia also has an article about the State Duma of the Russian Empire. See also State Duma (disambiguation) State Duma Federal ... ... Wikipedia
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- First State Duma. Memoirs of a Contemporary. April 27 - July 8, 1906, Vasily Alekseevich Maklakov. Vasily Alekseevich Maklakov (1869-1957), a member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, deputy of the State Duma of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th convocations, was one of the most authoritative Russian politicians of the early 20th century and, ...
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STATE DUMA OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE. For the first time, the State Duma as a representative legislative institution of the Russian Empire with limited rights was introduced according to the Manifesto of Emperor Nicholas II On the establishment of the State Duma(received the name "Bulyginskaya") and dated August 6, 1906 and the Manifesto Improvement of the state order dated October 17, 1905.
First State Duma (1906).
The establishment of the First State Duma was a direct consequence of the Revolution of 1905–1907. Nicholas II, under pressure from the liberal wing of the government, mainly represented by Prime Minister S.Yu. Witte, decided not to aggravate the situation in Russia, letting his subjects understand in August 1905 about his intention to take into account the public need for a representative body of power. This is directly stated in the manifesto on August 6: “Now the time has come, following their good undertakings, to call on elected people from all over the Russian land to constant and active participation in the drafting of laws, including, for this purpose, in the higher state institutions a special legislative-advising institution, to which the development of and discussion of government revenues and expenditures ”. The Manifesto of October 17, 1905 significantly expanded the powers of the Duma, the third paragraph of the Manifesto turned the Duma from a legislative body into a legislative body, it became the lower house of the Russian parliament, from where bills went to the upper house - the State Council. Simultaneously with the manifesto of October 17, 1905, which contained promises to attract to participation in the legislative State Duma "as far as possible" those strata of the population who were deprived of voting rights, on October 19, 1905, a decree was approved On measures to strengthen unity in the activities of ministries and main departments... In accordance with it, the Council of Ministers was transformed into a permanent supreme government institution, designed to provide "direction and unification of the actions of the chief chiefs of departments on the subjects of legislation and higher state administration." It was established that bills cannot be submitted to the State Duma without preliminary discussion in the Council of Ministers, in addition, "no measure of general importance can be taken by the chief heads of departments other than the Council of Ministers." The military and naval ministers, the ministers of the court and foreign affairs were given relative independence. The "most submissive" reports of the ministers to the tsar were preserved. The Council of Ministers met 2-3 times a week; the chairman of the Council of Ministers was appointed by the king and was responsible only to him. S. Yu. Witte became the first chairman of the reformed Council of Ministers (until April 22, 1906). From April to July 1906, the Council of Ministers was headed by I.L. Goremykin, who did not enjoy either authority or confidence among the ministers. Then he was replaced in this position by the Minister of Internal Affairs P.A. Stolypin (until September 1911).
The First State Duma operated from April 27 to July 9, 1906. Its opening took place in St. Petersburg on April 27, 1906 in the largest in the capital, the Throne Hall of the Winter Palace. After examining many buildings, it was decided to place the State Duma in the Tauride Palace, built by Catherine the Great for her favorite, His Serene Highness Prince Grigory Potemkin.
The procedure for elections to the First Duma was determined in the law on elections, published in December 1905. According to it, four electoral curiae were established: landowners, urban, peasants and workers. According to the workers' curia, only those workers who were employed in enterprises with at least 50 employees were allowed to vote. As a result, 2 million male workers were immediately deprived of the right to vote. Women, youth under 25, military personnel, and a number of national minorities did not take part in the elections. The elections were multi-stage electors - the deputies were elected by electors from the voters - two-degree, and for workers and peasants three- and four-degree. There was one elector in the landowning curia for 2 thousand voters, in the city - for 4 thousand, in the peasant - for 30, in the working class - for 90 thousand. The total number of elected Duma deputies at different times ranged from 480 to 525 people. April 23, 1906 Nicholas II approved , which the Duma could change only on the initiative of the tsar himself. According to the Code, all laws adopted by the Duma were subject to the approval of the tsar; all the executive power in the country was also still subordinate to the tsar. The tsar appointed ministers, single-handedly directed the country's foreign policy, the armed forces were subordinate to him, he declared war, made peace, could introduce martial law or a state of emergency in any locality. Moreover, in Code of Basic State Laws a special paragraph 87 was introduced, which allowed the tsar in the intervals between sessions of the Duma to issue new laws only on his own behalf.
The Duma consisted of 524 deputies.
Elections to the First State Duma were held from March 26 to April 20, 1906. Most of the left parties boycotted the elections - the RSDLP (Bolsheviks), the National Social Democratic Parties, the Socialist Revolutionary Party (SRs), the All-Russian Peasant Union. The Mensheviks took a controversial position, declaring their readiness to participate only in the initial stages of the elections. Only the right wing of the Mensheviks, headed by G.V. Plekhanov, stood for participation in the elections of deputies and in the work of the Duma. The Social Democratic faction was formed in the State Duma only on June 14, after the arrival of 17 deputies from the Caucasus. In opposition to the revolutionary Social Democratic faction, all those who held the right-wing seats in parliament (they were called “right-wingers”) united into a special parliamentary party - the Peaceful Renewal Party. Together with the "group of progressives" there were 37 of them. The constitutional democrats of the KDP ("Cadets"), who were able to bring order to the work of the government, carry out radical peasant and workers' reforms, and legislate the entire range of civil rights and political freedoms to win over the majority of democratic voters, thoughtfully and skillfully conducted their election campaign. The tactics of the Cadets brought them victory in the elections: they received 161 seats in the Duma, or 1/3 of the total number of deputies. At some moments, the number of the Cadet faction reached 179 deputies. KDP (People's Freedom Party) advocated democratic rights and freedoms: conscience and religion, speech, press, public meetings, unions and societies, strikes, movement, for the abolition of the passport system, the inviolability of the person and home, etc. The KDP program included items on the election of people's representatives through universal, equal and direct elections without distinction of religion, nationality and gender, the spread of local self-government throughout the territory of the Russian state, the extension of the range of departments of local self-government bodies to the entire area of local government; concentration of part of the funds from the state budget in local governments, the impossibility of punishment without a verdict entered into force by the competent court, the abolition of the intervention of the Minister of Justice in the appointment or transfer of judges in the conduct of cases, the abolition of the court with estate representatives, the abolition of the property qualification when filling the post of magistrate and execution jury duties, abolition of the death penalty, etc. The detailed program also covered the reform of education, the agricultural sector, the sphere of taxation (a progressive taxation system was proposed).
The Black Hundred parties did not receive seats in the Duma. The October 17 Union (Octobrists) suffered a serious defeat in the elections - by the beginning of the Duma session they had only 13 deputy seats, then there were 16 deputies in their group. The First Duma also included 18 Social Democrats. From the so-called national minorities there were 63 representatives, non-party - 105. Representatives of the agrarian labor party of Russia - or "Trudoviks" were also a significant force in the First Duma. The Trudovik faction numbered 97 deputies. On April 28, 1906, at a meeting of deputies of the 1st State Duma, a Labor Group was formed from the peasants, workers and intelligentsia, and the Provisional Committee of the group was elected. The Trudoviks declared themselves representatives of the "working classes of the people": "peasants, factory workers and intelligent workers, aiming to unite them around the most urgent demands of the working people, which must and can be fulfilled in the near future through the State Duma." The formation of the faction was caused by disagreements on the agrarian issue of the peasant deputies with the Cadets, as well as the activities of revolutionary democratic organizations and parties, primarily the All-Russian Peasant Union (VKS) and the Social Revolutionaries, interested in the consolidation of the peasants in the Duma. By the opening of the First Duma, 80 deputies have definitely announced their joining the Trudovik faction. By the end of 1906 it had 150 deputies. The peasants accounted for 81.3% of it, the Cossacks - 3.7%, the bourgeoisie - 8.4%. Initially, the faction was formed on a non-partisan principle, therefore it included the Cadets, Social Democrats, Social Revolutionaries, members of the VKS, progressives, autonomists, non-party socialists, etc. About half of the Trudoviks were members of left-wing parties. Party-political diversity was overcome with the process of developing a program, group charter and taking a number of measures to strengthen factional discipline (group members were forbidden to join other factions, speak in the Duma without the faction's knowledge, act in contradiction with the faction's program, etc.).
After the opening of sessions of the State Duma, a non-partisan Union of Autonomists was formed, numbering about 100 deputies. It was attended by both members of the People's Freedom Party and the Labor Group. On the basis of this faction, a party of the same name was soon formed, which advocated the decentralization of state administration based on democratic principles and the principle of broad autonomy of individual regions, ensuring minorities civil, cultural, national rights, the use of their native language in public and government institutions, the right to cultural and national self-determination with the abolition of all privileges and restrictions on nationality and religion. The core of the party was made up of representatives of the western outskirts, mainly large landowners. An independent policy was led by 35 deputies from 10 provinces of the Kingdom of Poland, who formed the Polish Kolo party.
From the very beginning of its activity, the First Duma demonstrated a desire for independence and independence from the tsarist government. Due to the non-simultaneous nature of the elections, the work of the First State Duma was carried out with an incomplete composition. Having taken the leading position in the Duma, the cadets on May 5, in a written response to the tsar's speech to the throne, unanimously included the demand for the abolition of the death penalty and amnesty for political prisoners, the establishment of the responsibility of ministers to the people's representation, the abolition of the State Council, the real implementation of political freedoms, universal equality, the liquidation of state , specific monastic lands and the compulsory redemption of private land to eliminate the land hunger of the Russian peasant. The deputies hoped that with these demands the tsar would receive the deputy Muromtsev, but Nicholas II did not honor him. The answer of the Duma members was given in the usual way for the "royal reading" to the chairman of the Council of Ministers I.L. Goremykin. Eight days later, on May 13, 1906, the chairman of the Council of Ministers, Goremykin, refused all the demands of the Duma.
On May 19, 1906, 104 deputies of the Labor Group introduced their own bill (draft 104). According to the bill, the essence of the agrarian reform was the formation of a "public land fund" to provide landless and land-poor peasants by giving them - not for ownership, but for use - plots within a certain "labor" or "consumer" rate. As for the landowners, the Trudoviks suggested leaving them only the "labor norm." The confiscation of land from the landowners, according to the authors of the project, was to be compensated for by remuneration of landowners for the confiscated land.
On June 6, an even more radical ES project of the 33s appeared. It provided for the immediate and complete destruction of private ownership of land and declaring it, with all its subsoil and waters, the common property of the entire population of Russia. The discussion of the agrarian question in the Duma caused an increase in public excitement among the broad masses and revolutionary actions in the country. Wishing to strengthen the position of the government, some of its representatives - Izvolsky, Kokovtsev, Trepov, Kaufman - came up with a project to renew the government by including the Cadets there (Milyukova and others). However, this proposal did not receive the support of the conservative part of the government. The left liberals, calling the new institution in the structure of the autocracy "The Duma of the People's Wrath", began, in their words, "the storming of the government." The Duma adopted a resolution of complete distrust in the Goremykin government and demanded his resignation. In response, some ministers boycotted the Duma and stopped attending its meetings. A deliberate humiliation of the deputies was the first bill sent to the Duma on the allocation of 40 thousand rubles for the construction of a palm greenhouse and the construction of a laundry at Yuryev University.
On July 6, 1906, the chairman of the Council of Ministers, the elderly Ivan Goremykin, was replaced by the energetic P. Stolypin (Stolypin retained the post of Minister of Internal Affairs, which he held earlier). On July 9, 1906, the deputies came to the Tauride Palace for a regular meeting and stumbled upon closed doors; nearby on a pillar hung a manifesto signed by the tsar on the termination of the work of the First Duma, since it, designed to "bring peace" to society, only "incites confusion." The manifesto on the dissolution of the Duma stated that the law on the establishment of the State Duma was "preserved unchanged." On this basis, preparations began for a new campaign, now for the elections to the Second State Duma.
Thus, the First State Duma existed in Russia for only 72 days, having accepted 391 requests for illegal actions of the government during this time.
After its dissolution, about 200 deputies, among them the Cadets, Trudoviks and Social Democrats, gathered in Vyborg, where they adopted the appeal To the people from the people's representatives... It said that the government was opposed to the allotment of land to the peasants, that it had no right to collect taxes, call soldiers for military service, or make loans without popular representation. The appeal called for resistance, for example, by actions such as refusing to give money to the treasury, sabotaging conscription. The government initiated criminal proceedings against those who signed the Vyborg Appeal. By a court decision, all the “signatories” served three months in the fortress, and then were deprived of their electoral (and, in fact, civil) rights during elections to the new Duma and to other public positions.
The chairman of the First Duma was cadet Sergei Alexandrovich Muromtsev, professor at St. Petersburg University.
S. Muromtsev
was born on September 23, 1850. From an old noble family. After graduating from Moscow University, Faculty of Law and having spent more than a year on an internship in Germany, in 1874 he defended his master's thesis, in 1877 - his doctoral dissertation and became a professor. In 1875-1884 Muromtsev wrote six monographs and many articles, in which he substantiated the idea of convergence of science and law with sociology, which was innovative for that time. He worked as vice-rector of Moscow University. After his dismissal from the post of the vice-rector, he began to "plant legal awareness in society" through the popular publication "Legal Bulletin", which he edited for many years, until in 1892 this magazine, due to its direction, was not banned. Muromtsev was also the chairman of the Legal Society, led it for a long time and was able to attract many outstanding scientists, lawyers, and prominent public figures to the society. During the heyday of populism, he opposed political extremism, defended the concept of evolutionary development, sympathized with the zemstvo movement. The scientific and political views of Muromtsev were able to manifest themselves clearly only in 1905-1906, when he was elected a deputy and then chairman of the First State Duma, he took an active part in the preparation of a new edition of the Basic Laws of the Russian Empire, and above all, chapters eight On the rights and obligations of Russian citizens and the ninth - About laws... Signed Vyborg appeal July 10, 1906 in Vyborg and was convicted under Article 129, part 1, paragraphs 51 and 3 of the Criminal Code. He died in 1910.
The comrades (deputies) of the chairmen of the First State Duma were Prince Pyotr Nikolayevich Dolgorukov and Nikolai Andreyevich Gredeskul. The secretary of the State Duma was Prince Dmitry Ivanovich Shakhovskoy, comrades of the secretaries Grigory Nikitich Shaposhnikov, Shchensny Adamovich Ponyatovsky, Semyon Martynovich Ryzhkov, Fedor Fedorovich Kokoshin, Gavriil Feliksovich Shershenevich.
Second State Duma (1907).
Elections to the Second State Duma were held according to the same rules as to the First Duma (multi-stage elections for the curia). At the same time, the election campaign itself took place against the backdrop of a fading, but continuing revolution: "agrarian riots" in July 1906 covered 32 provinces of Russia, and in August 1906 peasant unrest covered 50% of the counties of European Russia. The tsarist government finally embarked on the path of open terror in the struggle against the revolutionary movement, which was gradually declining. Stolypin's government established courts-martial, severely persecuted revolutionaries, the publication of 260 dailies and periodicals was suspended, and administrative sanctions were applied to opposition parties.
Within 8 months, the revolution was suppressed. According to the Law of October 5, 1906, the peasants were equal in rights with the rest of the population of the country. The Second Land Law of November 9, 1906 allowed any peasant at any time to demand his share of the communal land.
By any means, the government tried to ensure an acceptable composition of the Duma: peasants who were not householders were excluded from the elections, workers could not be elected according to the city curia, even if they had the apartment qualification required by law, etc. Twice, on the initiative of P.A. Stolypin, the Council of Ministers discussed the issue of changing the electoral legislation (July 8 and September 7, 1906), but members of the government came to the conclusion that such a step was inexpedient, since it was associated with a violation of the Basic Laws and could lead to an aggravation of the revolutionary fight.
This time, representatives of the entire party spectrum, including the extreme left, took part in the elections. Fought in general, four currents: the right, standing for the strengthening of the autocracy; the Octobrists who accepted Stolypin's program; cadets; the left bloc, which united the Social Democrats, Socialist-Revolutionaries and other socialist groups. There were many noisy pre-election meetings with "disputes" between the Cadets, Socialists and Octobrists. And yet the election campaign was of a different nature than during the elections to the First Duma. Then no one defended the government. Now the struggle was going on within society between the electoral blocs of parties.
The Bolsheviks, refusing to boycott the Duma, adopted the tactics of creating a bloc of left forces - the Bolsheviks, Trudoviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries (the Mensheviks refused to participate in the bloc) - against the Right and the Cadets. In total, 518 deputies were elected to the Second Duma. The Constitutional Democrats (Cadets), having lost 80 seats in comparison with the First Duma (almost two times less), nevertheless managed to form a faction of 98 deputies.
The Social Democrats (RSDLP) received 65 seats (their number increased due to the rejection of the boycott tactics), the Popular Socialists - 16, the Socialist Revolutionaries (Socialist Revolutionaries) - 37. These three parties received a total of 118 out of 518, i.e. more than 20% of deputy mandates. The Labor Group, the faction of the All-Russian Peasant Union and allied members, only 104 deputies, were formally non-partisan, but were under the strong influence of the socialists. During the election campaign for the 2nd State Duma, the Trudoviks launched an extensive propaganda and propaganda work. They abandoned the program, recognizing that it was sufficient to develop a “common platform framework” in order to ensure its acceptability for “people of different moods”. The basis of the electoral program of the Trudoviks was the "Draft Platform", which contained the requirements for large-scale democratic transformations: Convocation of the Constituent Assembly, which was to determine the form of "democracy"; the introduction of universal suffrage, equality of citizens before the law, personal inviolability, freedom of speech, press, assembly, unions, etc., urban and rural local government; in the social sphere - the abolition of estates and class restrictions, the establishment of a progressive income tax, the introduction of universal free education; reforming the army; proclaimed "complete equality of all nationalities", cultural and national autonomy of individual regions while maintaining the unity and integrity of the Russian state; the basis of agrarian transformations was "Project 104".
Thus, the share of left-wing deputies in the Second Duma accounted for about 43% of deputy mandates (222 mandates).
Moderates and Octobrists (October 17 Union) have improved their affairs - 32 seats and the right wing - 22 mandates. Thus, the right (or, more precisely, the center-right) wing of the Duma had 54 mandates (10%).
National groups won 76 seats (Polish Kolo - 46 and the Muslim faction - 30). In addition, the Cossack group consisted of 17 deputies. The Democratic Reform Party received only 1 deputy mandate. The number of non-party people was cut by half, there were 50 of them. At the same time, the Polish deputies who formed the Polish Kolo belonged, for the most part, to the Party of People's Democrats, which, in fact, was a bloc of magnates of Polish industry and finance, as well as large landowners. In addition to the "Narodnists" (or National Democrats), who formed the basis of the numerical strength of the Polish Kolo, it included several members of the Polish national parties: real and progressive politics. Having joined the Polish Kolo and submitted to its factional discipline, the representatives of these parties "lost their party individuality." Thus, the Polish Colo II of the Duma was formed from the deputies who were members of the national parties of people's democracy, real and progressive politics. The Polish Kolo supported the Stolypin government in its struggle against the revolutionary movement both within Poland and throughout the empire. This support in the Second Duma was expressed mainly in the fact that the Polish Kolo, in the confrontation with the left factions of the Duma opposition, primarily with the Social Democratic, approved government measures of a repressive nature. By directing their Duma activities towards defending the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland, the Poles were a special group with special goals. R.V. Dmovsky was the chairman of the Polish Colo II Duma.
The opening of the Second State Duma took place on February 20, 1907. The right-wing cadet Fyodor Aleksandrovich Golovin, elected from the Moscow province, became the chairman of the Duma.
F. Golovin
was born on December 21, 1867 into a noble family. In 1891 he graduated from the course at the university department of the Lyceum of Tsarevich Nicholas and held an exam in the legal test commission at the university. Upon completion of the exams, he received a second degree diploma. After graduation, he began performing in the field of social activities. For a long time he was a vowel of the Dmitrovsky district zemstvo. From 1896 - a vowel of the Moscow provincial zemstvo, and from the next 1897 a member of the provincial zemstvo council, head of the insurance department. From 1898 he participated in railway concessions.
Since 1899 - a member of the Beseda circle, since 1904 - the Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists. He constantly participated in the congresses of zemstvo and city leaders. In 1904-1905 he served as chairman of the Bureau of Zemstvo and City Congresses. June 6, 1905 participated in the deputation of the Zemstvo people to the Emperor Nicholas II. At the founding congress of the Constitutional Democratic Party (October 1905), he was elected to the Central Committee, headed the Moscow Provincial Committee of Cadets; played an active role in the negotiations of the Cadet leadership with the government (October 1905) on the creation of a constitutional cabinet of ministers. On February 20, 1907, at the first meeting of the State Duma of the second convocation, he was elected chairman by a majority of votes (356 out of 518 possible). In the course of the work of the Duma, he unsuccessfully tried to reach an agreement between various political forces and business contacts with the government. Insufficiently clear implementation of the line of the Cadet Party led to the fact that in the III Duma he remained an ordinary deputy, worked in the Peasants' Commission. In 1910, in connection with obtaining a railway concession, he resigned as a deputy, considering these two occupations incompatible. In 1912 he was elected the mayor of Baku, however, due to his affiliation with the Cadet party, the governor of the Caucasus did not approve him in office. During the First World War, he took an active part in the creation and activities of a number of societies; one of the founders and a member of the executive bureau, and since January 1916 - member of the Council of the Kooperatsia society, chairman of the Society for Aid to War Victims; Chairman of the Board of the Moscow Narodny Bank, participated in the work of the All-Russian Union of Cities. Since March 1917 - Commissar of the Provisional Government. Took part in the State meeting. Delegate of the 9th Congress of the Cadet Party, candidate for membership in the Constituent Assembly (from Moscow, Ufa and Penza provinces). After the October Revolution he served in Soviet institutions. On charges of belonging to an anti-Soviet organization, by the decision of the "troika" of the Moscow Region NKVD of November 21, 1937, at the age of seventy, he was shot. He was posthumously rehabilitated in 1989.
Nikolai Nikolaevich Poznansky and Mikhail Yegorovich Berezin were elected as deputies (comrades) of the Chairman of the State Duma. The secretary of the Second State Duma was Mikhail Vasilyevich Chelnokov, comrades of the secretaries were Viktor Petrovich Uspensky, Vasily Akimovich Kharlamov, Lev Vasilyevich Kartashev, Sergei Nikolaevich Saltykov, Sartrutdin Nazmutdinovich Maksudov.
The Second Duma also had only one session. The Second Duma continued to struggle for influence over the government's activities, which led to numerous conflicts and became one of the reasons for its short period of activity. On the whole, the Second Duma turned out to be even more radicalized than its predecessor. The deputies changed their tactics, deciding to act within the framework of the rule of law. Guided by the provisions of Articles 5 and 6 Regulations on the approval of the State Duma of February 20, 1906 the deputies formed departments and commissions for the preliminary preparation of cases to be considered in the Duma. The commissions created began to develop numerous bills. The main issue was the agrarian issue, on which each faction presented its own project. In addition, the Second Duma actively considered the food issue, discussed the State Budget for 1907, the issue of conscription of recruits, the abolition of military field courts, etc.
In the course of the consideration of the questions, the Cadets showed compliance, calling to “take care of the Duma” and not give the government a reason to dissolve it. On the initiative of the Cadets, the Duma abandoned the debate on the main provisions of the government declaration, which was made by PA Stolypin and the main idea of which was to create "material norms" in which new social and legal relations should be embodied.
The main subject of debate in the Duma in the spring of 1907 was the question of taking extraordinary measures against the revolutionaries. The government, submitting to the Duma a draft law on the use of emergency measures against revolutionaries, pursued a double goal: to hide its initiative to conduct terror against revolutionaries behind the decision of a collegial government body and to discredit the Duma in the eyes of the population. However, the Duma on May 17, 1907 voted against the "illegal actions" of the police. This disobedience did not suit the government. Secretly from the Duma, the staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs prepared a draft of a new electoral law. A false accusation was invented about the participation of 55 deputies in a conspiracy against the royal family. On June 1, 1907, P. Stolypin demanded that 55 Social Democrats be removed from the Duma sessions and that 16 of them be deprived of their parliamentary immunity, accusing them of preparing for the "overthrow of the state system."
On the basis of this contrived pretext, Nicholas II announced on June 3, 1907 the dissolution of the Second Duma and a change in the electoral law (from a legal point of view, this meant a coup d'etat). The deputies of the Second Duma went home. As P. Stolypin expected, no revolutionary outbreak followed. It is generally accepted that the act of June 3, 1907 marked the end of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907.
The Manifesto on the dissolution of the State Duma on June 3, 1907 says: “... A significant part of the composition of the second State Duma did not live up to our expectations. Not with a pure heart, not with a desire to strengthen Russia and improve its system, many of the people sent from the population began to work, but with a clear desire to increase the turmoil and contribute to the disintegration of the State.
The activities of these persons in the State Duma served as an insurmountable obstacle to fruitful work. A spirit of enmity was introduced into the environment of the Duma itself, which prevented a sufficient number of its members from uniting, wishing to work for the benefit of their native land.
For this reason, the State Duma either did not subject the extensive measures worked out by Our Government, or slowed down the discussion, or rejected, not stopping even before rejecting laws that punished openly praising the crime and strictly punished the sowers of unrest in the army. Dodging condemnation of murder and violence. The State Duma did not render assistance to the Government in the matter of establishing the procedure for moral assistance, and Russia continues to experience the shame of the criminal hard times
A significant part of the Duma turned the right of inquiries to the Government into a way of fighting the Government and inciting mistrust towards it in the general population.
Finally, an act unheard of in the annals of history took place. The judiciary uncovered a conspiracy of an entire part of the State Duma against the State and Tsarist Power. When Our Government demanded a temporary, pending the end of the trial, the elimination of the fifty-five members of the Duma accused of this crime and the imprisonment of the most convicted of them, the State Duma did not immediately fulfill the legitimate demand of the authorities, which did not allow any delay.
All this prompted Us to dissolve the State Duma of the second convocation by a decree given to the Governing Senate on this June 3, setting the date for convening a new Duma on November 1 of this 1907 ...
Created to strengthen the Russian State, the State Duma must be Russian in spirit.
Other nationalities that are part of Our Power should have representatives of their needs in the State Duma, but they should not and will not be among them, which gives them the opportunity to be the rulers of purely Russian issues.
In the same outskirts of the State, where the population has not achieved a sufficient development of citizenship, elections to the State Duma should be suspended.
All these changes in the electoral procedure cannot be carried out in the usual legislative way through the State Duma, the composition of which is recognized by Us as unsatisfactory, due to the imperfection of the very method of electing its Members. Only the Power that granted the first electoral law, the historical Power of the Russian Tsar, has the right to cancel it and replace it with a new one ... "
(Complete set of laws, Collection of the third, t, XXVII, No. 29240).
Third State Duma (1907-1912).
The Third State Duma of the Russian Empire operated for a full term from November 1, 1907 to June 9, 1912 and proved to be the most politically durable of the first four State Dumas. She was chosen according to Manifesto on the dissolution of the State Duma, on the time of convening a new Duma and on changing the procedure for elections to the State Duma and Regulations on elections to the State Duma dated June 3, 1907, which were published by Emperor Nicholas II simultaneously with the dissolution of the Second State Duma.
The new electoral law significantly limited the electoral rights of peasants and workers. The total number of electors for the peasant curia was halved. The peasant curia, thus, had only 22% of the total number of electors (against 41.4% in the electoral right Regulations on elections to the State Duma 1905). The number of electors from workers was 2.3% of the total number of electors. Significant changes were made to the election procedure from the City Curia, which was divided into 2 categories: the first congress of urban voters (the big bourgeoisie) received 15% of all electors and the second congress of urban voters (the petty bourgeoisie) received only 11%. The first curia (congress of farmers) received 49% of the electors (against 34% according to the regulation of 1905). The workers of most of the provinces of Russia (with the exception of 6) could participate in elections only in the second city curia - as tenants or in accordance with the property qualification. The law of June 3, 1907 provided the Minister of the Interior with the right to change the boundaries of electoral districts and divide electoral assemblies into independent departments at all stages of elections. Representation from the national outskirts was sharply reduced. For example, 37 deputies used to be elected from Poland, but now there are 14, from the Caucasus before 29, but now only 10. The Muslim population of Kazakhstan and Central Asia was deprived of representation altogether.
The total number of Duma deputies was reduced from 524 to 442.
Only 3,500,000 people took part in the elections to the Third Duma. 44% of the deputies were noble landowners. After 1906, the legal parties remained: the Union of the Russian People, the Union of October 17, and the Party of Peaceful Renovation. They formed the backbone of the Third Duma. The opposition was weakened and did not prevent Stolypin from carrying out reforms. In the elected but new electoral law, the Third Duma significantly reduced the number of opposition-minded deputies, and vice versa, the number of deputies supporting the government and the tsarist administration increased.
There were 50 extreme right-wing deputies in the Third Duma, 97 moderate right-wing and nationalists. Groups appeared: Muslim - 8 deputies, Lithuanian-Belarusian - 7, Polish - 11. The Third Duma, the only one of four, worked through the entire set of Duma elections. five-year term, five sessions were held.
| Fractions | Number of deputies I session | Number of deputies V session |
| Far right (Russian nationalists) | 91 | 75 |
| Rights | 49 | 51 |
| 148 | 120 | |
| Progressives | 25 | 36 |
| Cadets | 53 | 53 |
| Polish colo | 11 | 11 |
| Muslim group | 8 | 9 |
| Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian group | 7 | 7 |
| Trudoviks | 14 | 11 |
| Social Democrats | 9 | 13 |
| Non-partisan | 26 | 23 |
An extreme right-wing deputy group, headed by V.M. Purishkevich, emerged. At the suggestion of Stolypin and with the money of the government, a new faction, the Union of Nationalists, was created with its own club. She competed with the Black Hundred faction "Russian Assembly". These two groups constituted the "legislative center" of the Duma. The statements of their leaders were often in the nature of overt xenophobia.
At the very first meetings of the III Duma , which opened its work on November 1, 1907, a right-wing October majority was formed, which amounted to almost 2/3, or 300 members. Since the Black Hundreds were against the Manifesto of October 17, differences arose between them and the Octobrists on a number of issues, and then the Octobrists found support from the progressists and greatly corrected Cadets. This is how the second Duma majority was formed, the Octobrist-Cadet majority, which accounted for about three-fifths of the Duma (262 members).
The presence of this majority determined the nature of the activities of the Third Duma, ensured its efficiency. A special group of progressives was formed (at first, 24 deputies, then the number of the group reached 36, later on the basis of the group the Progressive Party (1912-1917) arose, occupying an intermediate position between the Cadets and Octobrists. The leaders of the progressists were V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinskiy The radical-minded factions - 14 Trudoviks and 15 Social Democrats - kept themselves apart, but they could not seriously influence the course of the Duma's activities.
The position of each of the three main groups - the right, the left and the center - was determined at the very first sessions of the Third Duma. The Black Hundreds, who did not approve of Stolypin's transformational plans, unconditionally supported all his measures to combat the opponents of the existing system. The liberals tried to resist the reaction, but in some cases Stolypin could count on their relatively benevolent attitude towards the reforms proposed by the government. At the same time, none of the groups could either fail or approve this or that bill when voting alone. In such a situation, everything was decided by the position of the center - the Octobrists. Although she did not make up the majority in the Duma, the outcome of the vote depended on her: if the Octobrists voted together with other right-wing factions, then a Right-wing Octobrist majority was created (about 300 people), if together with the Cadets, then an Octobrist-Cadet majority (about 250 people) ... These two blocs in the Duma allowed the government to maneuver and implement both conservative and liberal reforms. Thus, the Octobrist faction played the role of a kind of "pendulum" in the Duma.
During the five years of its existence (until June 9, 1912), the Duma held 611 meetings, at which 2,572 bills were considered, of which 205 were put forward by the Duma itself. The main place in the Duma debates was occupied by the agrarian question associated with the reform, workers and nationals. Among the adopted bills were laws on the private property of peasants on land (1910), on insurance of workers against accidents and illness, on the introduction of local self-government in the western provinces, and others. In general, out of 2,197 bills approved by the Duma, most were laws on estimates of various departments and departments, and the state budget was approved in the Duma every year. In 1909, the government, contrary to the basic state laws, removed military legislation from the jurisdiction of the Duma. There were failures in the mechanism of the functioning of the Duma (during the constitutional crisis of 1911, the Duma and the State Council were dissolved for 3 days). During the entire period of its activity, the Third Duma experienced constant crises, in particular, conflicts arose over issues of reforming the army, agrarian reform, on the issue of attitude towards the "national outskirts", as well as because of the personal ambitions of parliamentary leaders.
The bills submitted to the Duma from the ministries were first of all considered by the Duma conference, which consisted of the chairman of the Duma, his comrades, the secretary of the Duma and his comrade. The meeting was preparing a preliminary conclusion on sending the bill to one of the commissions, which was then approved by the Duma. Each project was considered by the Duma in three readings. In the first, which began with a speech by the speaker, there was a general discussion of the bill. At the end of the debate, the chairman made a proposal to move to article-by-article reading.
After the second reading, the chairman and secretary of the Duma made a summary of all the resolutions adopted on the bill. At the same time, but not later than a certain date, it was allowed to propose new amendments. The third reading was essentially the second reading by article. Its meaning was to neutralize those amendments that could pass in the second reading with the help of a random majority and did not suit influential factions. At the end of the third reading, the chairperson put to a vote the draft law as a whole, with the adopted amendments.
The Duma's own legislative initiative was limited to the requirement that each proposal should come from at least 30 deputies.
In the Third Duma, which lasted the longest, there were about 30 commissions. Large commissions, for example, budget commissions, consisted of several dozen people. The election of members of the commission was carried out at a general meeting of the Duma by prior agreement of candidates in the factions. In most of the commissions, all factions had their representatives.
In 1907-1912, three chairmen of the State Duma were replaced: Nikolai Alekseevich Khomyakov (November 1, 1907 - March 1910), Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov (March 1910 - 1911), Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko (1911-1912). The chairman's comrades were Prince Vladimir Mikhailovich Volkonsky (deputy chairman of the State Duma, deputy chairman) and Mikhail Yakovlevich Kapustin. Ivan Petrovich Sozonovich was elected secretary of the State Duma, Nikolai Ivanovich Miklyaev (senior assistant of the Secretary), Nikolai Ivanovich Antonov, Georgy Georgievich Zamyslovsky, Mikhail Andreevich Iskritsky, Vasily Semenovich Sokolov were elected as secretaries of the State Duma.
Nikolay Alekseevich Khomyakov
was born in Moscow in 1850, into a family of hereditary nobles. His father, Khomyakov A.S., was a famous Slavophile. In 1874 he graduated from the Physics and Mathematics Faculty of Moscow University. Since 1880, Khomyakov N.A., was the Sychevsky district, and in 1886-1895, the Smolensk provincial leader of the nobility. In 1896, director of the Agriculture Department of the Ministry of Agriculture and State Property. Since 1904, a member of the Agricultural Council of the Ministry of Agriculture. Member of the Zemsky Congresses of 1904-1905 Octobrist, from 1906 a member of the Central Committee of the "Union of October 17". In 1906 he was elected a member of the State Council from the nobility of the Smolensk province. Deputy of the 2nd and 4th State Dumas from the Smolensk province, member of the Bureau of the parliamentary faction "Union of October 17". From November 1907 to March 1910 - Chairman of the 3rd State Duma. In 1913-1915 he was the chairman of the St. Petersburg Club of Public Figures. He died in 1925.
Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov
Born October 14, 1862 in Moscow into a merchant family. In 1881 he graduated from the 2nd Moscow Gymnasium, and in 1886 he graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University, with a candidate's degree. After serving as a volunteer in the 1st Life Guards of the Yekaterinoslav Regiment and passing the exam for the officer rank - ensign of the army infantry reserve - he went abroad to continue his studies. He attended lectures at the Berlin, Tübingen and Vienna universities, studied history, international, public and financial law, political economy, labor law. In the late 80s - early 90s, he was a member of the circle of young historians, lawyers, economists, grouped around the professor of Moscow University P.G. Vinogradov. In 1888 he was elected an honorary magistrate in Moscow. In 1892-1893, on the staff of the Nizhny Novgorod governor, he was engaged in food business in the Lukoyanovsky district. In 1893 he was elected a member of the Moscow City Duma. In 1896–1897, he served as a comrade of the mayor. In 1898 he entered the Orenburg Cossack Hundred as a junior officer as part of the newly formed Special Guard Guard of the Chinese-Eastern Railway. In 1895, during the aggravation of anti-army sentiments in Turkey, he made an unofficial trip through the territory of the Ottoman Empire, in 1896 - a crossing through Tibet. In 1897-1907 he was a member of the City Duma. In 1897-1899 he served as a junior officer in the protection of the CER in Manchuria. In 1899, together with his brother Fyodor, he made a dangerous journey - in 6 months they rode 12 thousand miles on horseback across China, Mongolia and Central Asia.
In 1900, he participated as a volunteer in the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902: he fought on the side of the Boers. In a battle near Lindley (Orange Republic) in May 1900 he was seriously wounded in the thigh, and after the capture of the city by British troops he was taken prisoner, but was released after recovering "on parole." Upon returning to Russia, he was engaged in entrepreneurship. He was elected director, then manager of the Moscow Accounting Bank and a member of the boards of the St. Petersburg Petrograd Accounting and Loan Bank, the Russia Insurance Company, and the Association of A.S. Suvorin - Novoye Vremya. By the beginning of 1917, the value of property belonging to Guchkov was estimated at no less than 600 thousand rubles. In 1903, a few weeks before the wedding, he left for Macedonia and, together with its rebellious population, fought against the Turks for the independence of the Slavs. In September 1903 he married Maria Ilyinichna Ziloti, who came from a well-known noble family and was in close kinship with S. Rachmaninoff. During the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905, Guchkov was again in the Far East as a representative of the Moscow City Duma, and an assistant to the Chief Plenipotentiary of the Russian Red Cross Society and the Committee of Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna under the Manchurian Army. After the Battle of Mukden and the retreat of the Russian troops, he remained with the Russian wounded in the hospital to protect their interests and was taken prisoner. He returned to Moscow as a national hero. During the 1905-1907 revolution, he defended the ideas of moderate national liberalism, spoke out in favor of preserving the historical continuity of power, cooperation with the tsarist government in implementing the reforms outlined in the Manifesto of October 17, 1905. On these ideas, he created the Union of October 17 party. the recognized leader of which he was throughout the years of its existence. In the fall of 1905, Guchkov took part in the negotiations between S. Yu. Witte and public figures. In December 1905, he took part in the tsarist-rural conferences on the development of an electoral law to the State Duma. There he spoke in favor of abandoning the estate principle of representation in the Duma. Supporter of a constitutional monarchy with a strong central, executive branch. He defended the principle of "one and indivisible empire", but recognized the right of individual peoples to cultural autonomy. He spoke out against abrupt radical changes in the political system, fraught, in his opinion, with the suppression of the country's historical evolution, the collapse of Russian statehood.
In December 1906 he founded the newspaper Golos Moskvy. Initially, he supported the reforms carried out by P.A. Stolypin, considered the introduction of military courts in 1906 as a form of self-defense of state power and the protection of civilians in the course of national, social and other conflicts. In May 1907 he was elected a member of the State Council from industry and trade, in October he refused membership in the Council, was elected a deputy of the 3rd State Duma, and headed the Octobrist action. He was chairman of the Duma Defense Commission, in March 1910 - March 1911 chairman of the State Duma. He had frequent conflicts with the Duma deputies: he challenged Milyukov to a duel (the conflict was settled by the seconds), fought with Gr. A.A. Uvarov. He made a number of sharply oppositional speeches - according to the estimate of the Ministry of War (autumn 1908), according to the estimate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (winter 1910), etc. In 1912 he clashed with the Minister of War V. A. Sukhomlinov in connection with the introduction of political surveillance of officers in the army. Summoned to a duel by the gendarme lieutenant colonel Myasoedov (later executed for treason), who was under the Ministry of War, fired into the air (this was the 6th duel in Guchkov's life). Having resigned the title of chairman of the Duma, in protest against the law on zemstvo in the western provinces bypassing the Duma, Guchkov was in Manchuria until the summer of 1911 as a representative of the Cross to fight the plague epidemic on the territory of the colony. The initiator of the transition of the "Union of October 17" in opposition to the government in connection with the strengthening of reactionary tendencies in its policy. In a speech at a conference of Octobrists in (November 1913), speaking about "prostration", "insanity" and "internal mortification" of the state organism of Russia, he spoke in favor of the party's transition from a "loyal" attitude to the government to increasing pressure on it by parliamentary methods. At the beginning of World War I, at the front, as a specially authorized representative of the Russian Red Cross Society, he was involved in the organization of hospitals. He was one of the organizers and chairman of the Central Military Industrial Committee, a member of the Special Defense Conference, where he supported General A.A. Polivanov. In 1915 he was elected for the second time to the Council for the Commercial and Industrial Curia. Member of the Progressive Block. With public accusations of the Rasputin clique, he displeased the emperor and the court (secret surveillance was established for Guchkov). At the end of 1916-1917, together with a group of officers, he hatched plans for a dynastic coup (the abdication of Emperor Nicholas in favor of the heir under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich) and the creation of a ministry of liberal politicians responsible to the Duma.
On March 2, 1917, as a representative of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (together with V.V. Shulgin) in Pskov, he accepted the abdication of Nicholas II from power and brought the tsarist manifesto to Petrograd (in this regard, later in exile, a monarchist attempted to assassinate Guchkov). From March 2 (15) to May 2 (15), 1917, the Minister of War and Naval Affairs of the Provisional Government, then a participant in the preparation of a military coup. Participated in the State Conference in Moscow (August 1917), at which he spoke in favor of strengthening the central state power to combat "chaos", a member of the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic (Pre-Parliament) from the military-industrial committees. On the eve of the October Revolution, Guchkov moved to the North Caucasus. During the Civil War, he actively participated in the creation of the Volunteer Army, and was one of the first to give money to Generals Alekseev and Denikin (10,000 rubles) for its formation. In 1919 he was sent by A. I. Denikin to Western Europe for negotiations with the leaders of the Entente. There Guchkov tried to arrange the transfer of weapons to the army of General Yudenich, advancing on Petrograd, and discovered a sharply negative attitude towards this on the part of the governments of the Baltic states. Remaining in exile, first in Berlin, then in Paris, Guchkov was outside the emigre political groups, but nevertheless, he participated in many all-Russian congresses. He often traveled to the countries where his compatriots lived in the 1920s and 1930s, and provided assistance to Russian refugees, worked in the department of the foreign Red Cross. He spent the rest of his capital on financing Russian-language émigré publishing houses (Slovo in Berlin, etc.) and mainly on organizing the struggle against Soviet power in Russia. In the early 1930s, he headed the work on the coordination of aid to the starving in the USSR. A.I. Guchkov died on February 14, 1936 from cancer, was buried in the Pere Lachaise cemetery, in Paris.
Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko.
Born March 31, 1859 in the Yekaterinoslav province, in a noble family. In 1877 he graduated from the Corps of Pages. In 1877-1882 he served in the Cavalry Regiment, in the rank of lieutenant he went into the reserve. Retired from 1885. In 1886-1891, the district leader of the nobility in Novomoskovsky (Yekaterinoslav province). Then he moved to the Novgorod province, where he was a district and provincial zemstvo vowel. Since 1901, the chairman of the Zemstvo Council of the Yekaterinoslav province. In 1903-1905 editor of the newspaper "Bulletin of the Yekaterinoslavsky Zemstvo." Participant of zemstvo congresses (up to 190Z). In 1905 he created in Yekaterinoslav the "People's Party of the Union of the 17th October", which then joined the "Union of the 1st October". One of the founders of the "Union"; from 1905 a member of its Central Committee, a participant in all congresses. In 1906-1907 he was elected from the Yekaterinoslavsky zemstvo as a member of the State Council. On October 31, 1907, he resigned in connection with the election to the Duma. Deputy of the 3rd and 4th State Dumas from the Yekaterinoslav province, chairman of the land commission; at various times he was also a member of the commissions: resettlement and local self-government. Since 1910 - Chairman of the Bureau of the parliamentary faction of the Octobrists. Supported the policy of P.A. Stolypin. Supported an agreement between the center of the Duma and the center of the State Council. In March 1911, after the resignation of A.I. Guchkov, despite the protests of a number of Octobrist deputies, he agreed to be nominated and elected chairman of the 3rd, then 4th State Duma (he remained in this post until February 1917). MV Rodzianko was elected to the post of chairman of the Third Duma by the Right-wing Octobrist majority, and to the Fourth by the Octobrist-Cadet majority. In the Fourth Duma, right-wing and nationalists voted against him, they defiantly left the conference room immediately after the announcement of the voting results (for - 251 votes, against - 150). Immediately after his election, at the first meeting on November 15, 1912, Rodzianko solemnly declared himself a staunch supporter of the constitutional order in the country. In 1913, after the split of the "Union of October 17" and its parliamentary faction, he joined its centrist wing of the Octobrists-Zemstvo. For many years, an implacable opponent of G.E. Rasputin and the "dark forces" at court, which led to a deepening confrontation with Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and court circles. Supporter of offensive foreign policy. At the beginning of World War I, on a personal meeting, he obtained from Emperor Nicholas II the convocation of the 4th State Duma; considered it necessary to bring the war "to a victorious end, in the name of the honor and dignity of the dear fatherland." He advocated the maximum participation of zemstvos and public organizations in supplying the army; in 1915, chairman of the Committee for Supervision over the Distribution of State Orders; one of the initiators of the creation and member of the Special Defense Conference; was actively involved in the material and technical supply of the army. In 1914, the chairman of the Committee, a member of the State Duma for rendering assistance to the wounded and victims of the war, in August 1915 he was elected chairman of the evacuation commission. In 1916, chairman of the All-Russian Committee for Public Assistance to War Loans. He opposed the assumption by Emperor Nicholas II of the duties of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army. In 1915 he participated in the creation of the Progressive Bloc in the Duma, one of its leaders and the official mediator between the Duma and the supreme power; demanded the resignation of a number of unpopular ministers: V.A. Sukhomlinov, N.A. Maklakov, I.G. Shcheglovitov, Chief Prosecutor V.K.Sabler and Chairman of the Council of Ministers I.L. Goremykin. In 1916, he appealed to Emperor Nicholas II with an appeal to unite the efforts of the authorities and society, but at the same time tried to refrain from open political protests, acted through personal contacts, letters, etc. On the eve of the February Revolution, he accused the government of "widening the gap" between themselves , The State Duma and the people in general, called for extending the powers of the 4th State Duma and making concessions to the liberal part of society for the sake of more effective warfare and the salvation of the country. In early 1917, he tried to mobilize the nobility in support of the Duma (Congress of the United Nobility, Moscow and Petrograd provincial leaders of the nobility), as well as the leaders of the Zemsky and City Unions, but rejected proposals to personally lead the opposition. During the February Revolution, he considered it necessary to preserve the monarchy and therefore insisted on the creation of a "responsible ministry." On February 27, 1917, he headed the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, on behalf of which he issued an order to the troops of the Petrograd garrison and addressed an appeal to the population of the capital and telegrams to all cities of Russia with an appeal to keep calm. Participated in the negotiations of the Committee with the leaders of the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet on the composition of the Provisional Government, in negotiations with Emperor Nicholas II on the abdication of the throne; after the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of his brother - in negotiations with the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and insisted on his renunciation of the throne. Nominally, he remained the chairman of the Provisional Committee for several more months, in the first days of the revolution he claimed to give the Committee the character of supreme power, tried to prevent the further revolutionization of the army. In the summer of 1917, together with Guchkov, he founded the Liberal Republican Party, entered the Council of Public Figures. Blamed the Provisional Government for the collapse of the army, economy and state. In relation to the speech of General LG Kornilov, he took the position of "sympathy, but not assistance." During the October armed uprising, he was in Petrograd, trying to organize the defense of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution he left for the Don, was with the Volunteer Army during its first Kuban campaign. He came up with the idea of re-creating the 4th State Duma or a meeting of deputies from all four Dumas under the armed forces of the South of Russia to create a "power base". Took part in the activities of the Red Cross. Then in exile, he lived in Yugoslavia. He was fiercely persecuted by the monarchists, who considered him the main culprit in the collapse of the monarchy; did not participate in political activities. He died on January 21, 1924, in the village of Beodra in Yugoslavia.
Fourth State Duma (1912-1917).
The fourth and last of the State Dumas of the Russian Empire operated from November 15, 1912 to February 25, 1917. It was elected under the same electoral law as the Third State Duma.
The elections to the IV State Duma took place in the autumn (September-October) 1912. They showed that the forward movement of Russian society is moving along the path of establishing parliamentarism in the country. The election campaign, in which the leaders of the bourgeois parties actively participated, took place in an atmosphere of discussion: whether or not there should be a constitution in Russia. Even some candidates from the right-wing political parties were supporters of the constitutional order. During the elections to the IV State Duma, the Cadets carried out several "left" demarches, putting forward democratic bills on freedom of association and the introduction of universal suffrage. The declarations of bourgeois leaders showed opposition to the government.
The government mobilized its forces to prevent an exacerbation of the internal political situation in connection with the elections, to hold them as unnoticed as possible and to maintain or even strengthen its positions in the Duma, and even more so to prevent its shift "to the left."
In an effort to have its proteges in the State Duma, the government (in September 1911 it was headed after the tragic death of P.A. Stolypin V.N. clarifications ". It turned to the help of the clergy, giving him the opportunity to participate widely in county congresses as representatives of small landowners. All these tricks led to the fact that among the deputies of the IV State Duma there were more than 75% of the landowners-landowners and representatives of the clergy. In addition to land, more than 33% of the deputies had real estate (factories, factories; mines, trade enterprises, houses, etc.). About 15% of the entire composition of the deputies belonged to the intelligentsia. They played an active role in various political parties, many of them constantly participated in discussions at general meetings of the Duma.
Sessions of the IV Duma opened on November 15, 1912. Octobrist Mikhail Rodzianko was its chairman. The comrades of the chairman of the Duma were Prince Vladimir Mikhailovich Volkonsky and Prince Dmitry Dmitrievich Urusov. Secretary of the State Duma - Ivan Ivanovich Dmitriukov. The comrades of the secretary are Nikolai Nikolaevich Lvov (Senior Fellow of the Secretary), Nikolai Ivanovich Antonov, Victor Parfenievich Basakov, Gaisa Khamidullovich Enikeev, Alexander Dmitrievich Zarin, Vasily Pavlovich Shein.
The main factions of the IV State Duma were: the right-wing and nationalists (157 seats), the Octobrists (98), the progressists (48), the Cadets (59), which still constituted two Duma majorities (depending on who they were blocking with at that moment Octobrists: Octobrist-Cadet or Octobrist-Right). In addition to them, Trudoviks (10) and Social Democrats (14) were represented in the Duma. The Party of Progressives took shape in November 1912 and adopted a program that provided for a constitutional-monarchical system with the responsibility of ministers to the people's representation, the expansion of the rights of the State Duma, etc. The emergence of this party (between the Octobrists and the Cadets) was an attempt to consolidate the liberal movement. The Bolsheviks, led by L.B. Rosenfeld, took part in the work of the Duma. and the Mensheviks headed by Chkheidze N.S. They introduced 3 bills (on the 8-hour working day, on social insurance, on national equality), which were rejected by the majority.
By nationality, almost 83% of the deputies in the State Duma of the 4th convocation were Russians. There were also representatives of other peoples of Russia among the deputies. There were Poles, Germans, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Tatars, Lithuanians, Moldovans, Georgians, Armenians, Jews, Latvians, Estonians, Zyryans, Lezgins, Greeks, Karaites and even Swedes, Dutch, but their share in the general corps of deputies was insignificant. Most of the deputies (almost 69%) were people between the ages of 36 and 55. About half of the deputies had a higher education, and a little more than a quarter of the total membership of the Duma had secondary education.
|
Composition of the IV State Duma |
||
| Fractions | Number of deputies | |
| I session | III session | |
| Rights | 64 | 61 |
| Russian nationalists and moderate right | 88 | 86 |
| Right centrists (Octobrists) | 99 | 86 |
| Centre | 33 | 34 |
| Left centrists: | ||
| - progressives | 47 | 42 |
| - cadets | 57 | 55 |
| - Polish colo | 9 | 7 |
| - Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian group | 6 | 6 |
| - Muslim group | 6 | 6 |
| Left radicals: | ||
| - trudoviks | 14 | Mensheviks 7 |
| - social democrats | 4 | Bolsheviks 5 |
| Non-partisan | - | 5 |
| Independent | - | 15 |
| Mixed | - | 13 |
As a result of the elections to the Fourth State Duma in October 1912, the government found itself in even greater isolation, since the Octobrists now firmly stood on a par with the Cadets in legal opposition.
In an atmosphere of growing tension in society, two inter-party conferences were held in March 1914 with the participation of representatives of the Cadets, Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Left Octobrists, progressives, non-party intellectuals, at which questions of coordinating the activities of left and liberal parties with the aim of preparing off-Duma speeches were discussed. The world war that began in 1914 temporarily quenched the flaring up opposition movement. At first, the majority of parties (excluding the Social Democrats) voted for confidence in the government. At the suggestion of Nicholas II in June 1914, the Council of Ministers discussed the question of transforming the Duma from a legislative body to a consultative one. On July 24, 1914, the Council of Ministers was granted extraordinary powers, i.e. he received the right to decide most cases on behalf of the emperor.
At an emergency meeting of the IV Duma on July 26, 1914, the leaders of the right-wing and liberal-bourgeois factions called to rally around the "sovereign leader who is leading Russia into a holy battle with the enemy of the Slavs", postponing "internal disputes" and "scores" with the government. However, setbacks at the front, the growth of the strike movement, and the inability of the government to ensure the administration of the country stimulated the activity of political parties and their opposition. Against this background, the Fourth Duma entered into an acute conflict with the executive branch.
In August 1915, at a meeting of members of the State Duma and the State Council, the Progressive Bloc was formed, which included the Cadets, Octobrists, Progressives, part of the nationalists (236 out of 422 members of the Duma) and three groups of the State Council. Octobrist S.I.Shidlovsky became the chairman of the Bureau of the Progressive Bloc, and P.N. Milyukov became the de facto leader. The bloc's declaration, published in the Rech newspaper on August 26, 1915, was of a compromise nature, providing for the creation of a government of "public confidence." The bloc's program included demands for a partial amnesty, an end to the persecution for the faith, the autonomy of Poland, the abolition of restrictions on the rights of Jews, the restoration of trade unions and the workers' press. The bloc was supported by some members of the State Council and the Synod. The bloc's irreconcilable position in relation to state power, its sharp criticism led to the political crisis of 1916, which became one of the reasons for the February Revolution.
On September 3, 1915, after the Duma accepted the loans allocated by the government for the war, it was dismissed for a vacation. The Duma met again only in February 1916. On December 16, 1916, it was again dissolved. Resumed activity on February 14, 1917 on the eve of the February abdication of Nicholas II. On February 25, 1917, it was again dissolved and no longer officially met, but formally and in fact existed. The Fourth Duma played a leading role in the establishment of the Provisional Government, under which it actually worked in the form of "private meetings". On October 6, 1917, the Provisional Government decided to dissolve the Duma in connection with preparations for the elections to the Constituent Assembly.
On December 18, 1917, one of the decrees of the Leninist Council of People's Commissars abolished the office of the State Duma itself.
Prepared by A. Kynev
APPLICATION
(BULYGINSKAYA)
[...] We declare to all our loyal subjects:
The Russian state was built and strengthened by the indissoluble unity of the Tsar with the people and the people with the Tsar. The harmony and unity of the Tsar and the people is a great moral force that has built Russia for centuries, defended it from all troubles and misfortunes, and is still the guarantee of its unity, independence and integrity of material well-being and spiritual development in the present and future.
In Our Manifesto, given on February 26, 1903, We called for the close unity of all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to improve state order by establishing a lasting system in local life. And then we were concerned about the idea of coordinating the elected public institutions with the government authorities and about eradicating the discord between them, which has such a detrimental effect on the correct course of state life. The Autocratic Tsars, Our Predecessors, did not stop thinking about this.
Now the time has come, following their good intentions, to call on elected people from all over the Russian land to constant and active participation in the drafting of laws, including for this in the composition of the highest state institutions a special legislative institution, which is provided with a preliminary development and discussion of legislative assumptions and consideration of the list of state revenues and costs.
In these forms, while keeping the fundamental law of the Russian Empire on the essence of Autocratic Power inviolable, We recognized the establishment of the State Duma for the good and approved the Regulation on elections to the Duma, extending the force of these laws to the entire space of the Empire, with only those changes that will be deemed necessary for some under special conditions, its outskirts.
We will specially indicate the procedure for participation in the State Duma of electives from the Grand Duchy of Finland on issues common to the Empire and this land.
Together with this, We ordered the Minister of Internal Affairs to promptly submit to Us for approval the rules on enacting the Regulations on elections to the State Duma, so that members from 50 provinces and regions of the Don Cossack could appear in the Duma no later than half of January 1906.
We fully retain our concern for the further improvement of the Institution of the State Duma, and when life itself indicates the need for those changes in its institution, which would fully satisfy the needs of the time and the good of the state, we will not fail to give instructions on this subject that were appropriate at the time.
We are confident that the people chosen by the trust of the entire population, who are now called upon to joint legislative work with the Government, will show themselves before all of Russia worthy of the Tsarist trust by which they are called to this great cause, and in full agreement with other state institutions and with the authorities, from We are placed, they will render us useful and zealous assistance in Our labors for the good of our common Mother Russia, to the establishment of the unity, security and greatness of the State and the people's order and prosperity.
Calling on the blessing of the Lord for the labors of the state institution established by Us, with unshakable faith in the mercy of God and in the immutability of great historical destinies predetermined by Divine Providence for our dear Fatherland, we firmly hope that with the help of Almighty God and the unanimous efforts of all its sons, Russia will come out with triumph from the difficult trials that have befallen her now and will be reborn in the power, greatness and glory that have been imprinted on her thousand-year history. [...]
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE STATE DUMA
I. ON THE COMPOSITION AND STRUCTURE OF THE STATE DUMA
1. The State Duma is established for the preliminary development and discussion of legislative assumptions that ascend, by the strength of the basic laws, through the State Council, to the Supreme Autocratic Power.
2. The State Duma is formed from members elected by the population of the Russian Empire for five years on the grounds specified in the regulation on elections to the Duma.
3. By the Decree of the Imperial Majesty, the State Duma may be dissolved before the expiration of a five-year term (Art. 2). By the same Decree, new elections to the Duma are announced.
4. The duration of the annual classes of the State Duma and the timing of their break during the year are determined by the Decrees of the Imperial Majesty.
5. The General Assembly and Departments are formed within the State Duma.
6. There should be no less than four and no more than eight departments in the State Duma. There are at least twenty members in each department. The nearest establishment of the number of departments of the Duma and the composition of its members, as well as the distribution of cases between departments, depends on the Duma.
7. For the legal composition of meetings of the State Duma, attendance is required: in the general meeting - at least one third of the total number of members of the Duma, and in a department - at least half of its members.
8. Expenses for the maintenance of the State Duma are charged to the State Treasury. [...]
V. ABOUT THE SUBJECTS OF THE STATE DUMA
33. The jurisdiction of the State Duma includes:
a) items requiring the publication of laws and states, as well as their changes, additions, suspension and cancellation;
b) financial estimates of the Ministries and Main Directorates and the state list of income and expenses, as well as monetary allocations from the treasury, which are not provided for by the list, on the basis of special rules on this subject;
c) the report of the State Audit Office on the execution of the state list;
d) cases on the alienation of a part of state revenues or property, requiring the Highest Assent;
e) cases on the construction of railways by direct order of the treasury and at its expense;
f) cases on the establishment of companies on shares, whereby exemptions from the laws in force are requested;
g) cases submitted to the Duma for special orders from the Highest.
Note. The jurisdiction of the State Duma is also subject to estimates and layouts of zemstvo duties in areas where zemstvo institutions have not been introduced, as well as cases of raising zemstvo or city taxation against the amount determined by zemstvo assemblies and city dumas [...].
34. The State Duma is given the right to initiate suggestions for the abolition or amendment of existing laws and the issuance of new laws (Articles 54 - 57). These assumptions should not relate to the principles of the state structure established by the basic laws.
35. The State Duma is given the right to declare to the Ministers and Chief Governors of individual parts subordinated by law to the Governing Senate about the reporting of information and clarifications regarding such actions, which followed from the Ministers or Chief Governors, as well as persons and institutions subordinate to them, actions by which, in the opinion of the Duma , existing legal provisions (Art. Art. 58 - 61).
Vi. On the procedure for conducting cases in the State Duma
36. Cases to be discussed by the State Duma shall be introduced to the Duma by the Ministers and Chief Administrators of separate parts, as well as by the State Secretary.
37. The cases submitted to the State Duma are discussed in its departments and then go to the General Assembly for consideration.
38. Sessions of the General Assembly and departments of the State Duma are appointed, opened and closed by their chairpersons.
39. The chairman stops one of the members of the State Duma who evades the observance of order or respect for the law. It is up to the Chairman to adjourn or close the meeting.
40. In case of violation of order by a member of the State Duma, he may be removed from the meeting or removed for a specified period from participation in the meetings of the Duma. A member of the Duma is removed from the meeting by decision of the Department or the General Meeting of the Duma, according to affiliation, and is removed from participation in the meetings of the Duma for a specified period by resolution of its General Meeting.
41. In sessions of the State Duma, at its General Meeting and by departments, outsiders are not allowed.
42. The Chairman of the Duma is given permission to attend meetings of its General Meeting, except for closed meetings, to representatives of the time press, including no more than one from a separate publication.
43. Closed sessions of the General Meeting of the State Duma are appointed by the decision of the General Meeting or by order of the Chairman of the Duma. By his own order, closed sessions of the General Assembly of the State Duma are appointed, and in the event that the Minister or the Chief Executive of a separate unit, the subjects of whose department the matter is subject to consideration by the Duma, declares that it constitutes a state secret.
44. Reports on all meetings of the General Assembly of the State Duma are drawn up by sworn stenographers and, with the approval of the Chairman of the Duma, are allowed to be published in the press, except for reports on closed meetings.
45. From the report on a closed meeting of the General Assembly of the State Duma, those parts may be published in the press, the publication of which either the Chairman of the Duma deems possible, if the meeting was declared closed by his order or by decision of the Duma, or the Minister or the Chief Executive of a separate part, if the meeting was declared closed due to his statement.
46. The Minister or the Chief Executive of a separate unit may take back the case submitted by him to the State Duma in any of its positions. But the matter submitted to the Duma, as a result of its initiation of a legislative question (Article 34), can be taken back by the Minister or the Chief Executive only with the consent of the General Assembly of the Duma.
47. The opinion adopted by the majority of the members of the General Assembly of the Duma shall be recognized as the opinion of the State Duma on the cases considered by it. This conclusion must clearly indicate the consent or disagreement of the Duma with the proposed assumption. The changes proposed by the Duma must be expressed in precisely established provisions.
48. Legislative assumptions reviewed by the State Duma are submitted with its conclusion to the State Council. After the discussion of the case in the Council, its position, except for the case specified in Article 49, is submitted to the Highest Goodwill in the manner established by the institution of the State Council, together with the conclusion of the Duma.
49. Legislative suggestions rejected by a majority of two-thirds of the members in the General Assemblies of both the State Duma and the State Council are returned to the subject Minister or Chief Executive for additional consideration and reintroduced for legislative consideration, if granted by His Grace.
50. In cases where the State Council encounters difficulty in accepting the opinion of the State Duma, the case may be referred to a commission of an equal number of members from both institutions, at the choice of the General Meetings of the Council and the Duma, to coordinate the opinion of the Council with the conclusion of the Duma, by affiliation. The Commission is chaired by the President of the Council of State or one of the chairmen of the departments of the Council.
51. The conciliatory opinion worked out in the commission (Art. 50) is submitted to the General Meeting of the State Duma, and then to the general meeting of the State Council. If a conciliatory conclusion is not worked out, then the case is returned to the general meeting of the State Council.
52. In cases where a meeting of the State Duma does not take place due to non-arrival of the required number of members (Article 7), the case to be considered is scheduled for a new hearing no later than two weeks after the failed meeting. If during this period the case is not scheduled for hearing or the Duma meeting does not take place again upon non-arrival of the required number of its members, the subject Minister or the Chief Executive of a separate unit may, if he deems it necessary, submit the case to the State Council for consideration without the conclusion of the Duma.
53. When the Imperial Majesty is pleased to draw attention to the slowness of consideration by the State Duma of the case submitted to it, the State Council appoints a date by which the conclusion of the Duma should follow. If the Duma does not inform by the appointed date of its conclusion, the Council considers the case without the conclusion of the Duma.
54. Members of the State Duma submit a written application to the Chairman of the Duma on the cancellation or amendment of an existing law or the issuance of a new law (Art. 34). The application must be accompanied by a draft of the main provisions of the proposed amendment to the law or a new law with an explanatory note to the draft. If this statement is signed by at least thirty members, then the chairman submits it to the subject of the department.
55. The Ministers and Chief Administrators of separate parts, to whose subjects the application refers to, as well as, in appropriate cases, the Secretary of State shall be notified of the day of hearing in the department of the State Duma of an application for the cancellation or amendment of the current or the publication of a new law, with a copy of the application and related to him applications, no later than one month before the day of the hearing.
56. If the Minister or the Chief Executive of a separate unit or the Secretary of State (Art. 55) shares the State Duma's views on the desirability of repealing or changing the existing law or issuing a new law, then he gives the case a legislative move.
57. If the Minister or the Chief Executive of a separate part or the Secretary of State (Art. 55) does not share the views on the desirability of changing or repealing the current or issuing a new law adopted in the department, and then by a two-thirds majority of the members in the General Assembly of the State Duma, then the matter is represented by the Chairman of the Duma to the State Council, through which he ascends in the established order to the Highest goodwill. In the case of the Imperial command to direct the case in legislation, the next development is assigned to the subject
The Minister or the Chief Executive of a separate unit or the Secretary of State.
58. Members of the State Duma shall submit a written statement to the Chairman of the Duma on the communication of information and clarifications regarding such actions, which follow from the side of the Ministers or the Chief Administrators of individual parts, as well as the persons and institutions subordinate to them, in which a violation of existing legal provisions (Article 35) is seen. This statement should contain an indication of what the violation of the law is perceived to be and which one. If the statement is signed by at least thirty members, then the Chairman of the Duma submits it for discussion at its General Meeting.
60. Ministers and Chief Executives of individual units, no later than one month from the date of transmission of the application to them (Article 59), shall inform the State Duma of the appropriate information and explanations, or notify the Duma of the reasons why they are deprived of the opportunity to provide the required information and explanations.
61. If the State Duma, by a majority of two-thirds of the members of its General Assembly, does not recognize it as possible to be satisfied with the message of the Minister or the Chief Administrator of a separate part (Art. 60), then the matter rises, through the State Council, to the highest Bliss. [...]
Printed by: ... SPb., 1906
FROM THE REGULATIONS ON ELECTIONS TO THE STATE DUMA
I. GENERAL PROVISIONS
1. Elections to the State Duma are held: a) by provinces and regions and b) by cities: St. Petersburg and Moscow, as well as Astrakhan, Baku, Warsaw, Vilna, Voronezh, Yekaterinoslav, Irkutsk, Kazan, Kiev, Chisinau, Kursk , Lodz, Nizhny Novgorod, Odessa, Orel, Riga, Rostov-on-Don together with Nakhichevan, Samara, Saratov, Tashkent, Tiflis, Tula, Kharkov and Yaroslavl.
Note. Elections to the State Duma from the provinces of the Kingdom of Poland, regions of the Ural and Turgai and provinces and regions: Siberian, general-governorships of Steppe and Turkestan and the Caucasian Viceroyalty, as well as elections from nomadic aliens are made on the basis of special rules.
2. The number of members of the State Duma by provinces, regions and cities is established by the schedule attached to this article.
3. The election of members of the State Duma by provinces and regions (Art. 1, item a) is carried out by the provincial electoral meeting. This assembly is formed under the chairmanship of the provincial leader of the nobility or a person replacing him, from electors elected by congresses: a) county landowners; b) city voters and c) authorized representatives from volosts and villages.
4. The total number of electors for each province or region, as well as their distribution between counties and congresses, is established by the timetable attached to this article.
5. The election of members of the State Duma from the cities specified in paragraph "b" of Article 1 is made by an electoral assembly formed, under the chairmanship of the mayor or a person replacing him, from electors elected: in the capitals - among one hundred and sixty, and in other cities - among the eighty.
6. The following do not participate in the elections: a) female persons; b) persons under twenty-five years of age; c) students in educational institutions; d) military ranks of the army and navy who are in active military service; e) wandering foreigners and f) foreign nationals.
7. In addition to the persons indicated in the preceding (6) article, the following also do not participate in the elections: a) those who have been tried for criminal acts entailing the deprivation or restriction of the rights of the state or expulsion from service, as well as for theft, fraud, appropriation of entrusted property, harboring stolen goods, buying and mortgaging property that were knowingly stolen or obtained through deception and usury, when they are not justified by court verdicts, even if after the conviction they were released from punishment due to limitation, reconciliation, by the power of the Most Merciful Manifesto or a special High Command; b) dismissed by court sentences from office - within three years from the time of their imprisonment, even if they were released from this punishment due to the limitation period, by the power of the Most Merciful Manifesto or a special Supreme command; c) those under investigation or trial on charges of criminal offenses referred to in paragraph "a" or entailing dismissal from office; d) suffered insolvency, pending the definition of its properties; e) insolvent, whose cases of this kind have already been brought to an end, except for those whose insolvency is recognized as unhappy; f) deprived of the clergy or rank for vices or excluded from the environment of societies and noble assemblies by the sentences of those estates to which they belong; and g) convicted for evading military service.
8. Do not take part in the elections: a) governors and vice-governors, as well as mayors and their assistants - within the localities under their jurisdiction; and b) persons holding police positions - in the province or city in which elections are held.
9. Females can provide their own qualifications for real estate to participate in elections to their husbands and sons.
10. Sons can participate in elections instead of their fathers on their real estate and on their authority.
11. Congresses of voters are convened in the provincial or district town, according to their affiliation, under the chairmanship of: the congresses of the county landowners and representatives of the volosts - the county leader of the nobility or a person replacing him, and the congresses of city voters - the mayor of the provincial or county city, according to their affiliation, or persons replacing them. For the counties specified in paragraph "b" of Article 1 of the cities, separate congresses of urban voters of the county are formed in these cities under the chairmanship of the local mayor. In counties in which there are several urban settlements, several separate congresses of urban voters may be formed with the permission of the Minister of Internal Affairs, who is given to distribute the electors to be elected between the individual urban settlements.
12. The congress of county landowners is attended by: a) persons who own in the county on the right of ownership or life-long possession of land levied on zemstvo duties in the amount determined for each county in the schedule attached to this article; b) persons who own mining and factory dachas in the county on the basis of ownership rights in the number specified in the same timetable; c) persons who own in the county on the basis of ownership or life-long possession, other than land, immovable property that does not constitute a commercial and industrial institution, property valued at least fifteen thousand rubles, according to the zemstvo estimate; d) authorized persons from persons who own in the county or land in the amount of at least a tenth of the number of tithes determined for each county in the above-mentioned schedule, or other real estate (clause "c"), which, according to the zemstvo estimate, is not less than one thousand five hundred rubles ; and e) authorized by the clergy who own the church land in the district. [...]
16. The congress of city voters is attended by: a) persons who own, within the urban settlements of the county, on the right of ownership or life-long possession of immovable property valued for imposing a zemstvo tax in the amount of at least one thousand five hundred rubles, or requiring a trade certificate to be sampled by a commercial and industrial enterprise : commercial - one of the first two categories, industrial - one of the first five categories, or steamship, from which the main trade tax is paid at least fifty rubles a year; b) persons who pay state apartment tax within urban settlements of the county, starting with the tenth category and above; c) persons who pay, within the city and its county, the main trade tax on personal trade in the first category, and d) persons who own in the county a commercial and industrial enterprise specified in paragraph "a" of this article.
17. At the congress of representatives of the volosts elected from the volost gatherings of the county, two from each gathering, participate. These electives are elected by volost assemblies from among the peasants belonging to the rural communities of this volost, if there are no obstacles to their election, specified in Articles 6 and 7, as well as in paragraph "b" of Article 8 [...].
Printed by: Transitional legislative acts... SPb., 1906
THE HIGHEST MANIFESTO ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE II STATE DUMA
We declare to all Our loyal subjects:
At our command and instructions, since the dissolution of the State Duma of the first convocation, Our government has taken a consistent series of measures to calm the country and establish the correct course of state affairs.
The second State Duma convened by Us was called upon to promote, in accordance with Our sovereign will, the pacification of Russia: first of all, by legislative work, without which the life of the state and the improvement of its system is impossible, then by considering the list of income and expenditures, which determines the correctness of the state economy, and, finally, by reasonable implementation the rights of government inquiries, in order to strengthen truth and justice everywhere.
These responsibilities, entrusted by Us to the electives from the population, have imposed on them a heavy responsibility and a sacred duty to use their rights for reasonable work for the good and assertion of the Russian state.
Such was the thought and will of Ours in giving the population new foundations of state life.
Unfortunately for Ours, a significant part of the composition of the second State Duma did not live up to our expectations. Many of the people sent from the population to work began not with a pure heart, not with a desire to strengthen Russia and improve its system, but with a clear desire to increase the turmoil and contribute to the disintegration of the state.
The activities of these persons in the State Duma served as an insurmountable obstacle to fruitful work. A spirit of enmity was introduced into the environment of the Duma itself, which prevented a sufficient number of its members from uniting, wishing to work for the benefit of their native land.
For this reason, the State Duma either did not subject the extensive measures worked out by our government at all, or slowed down the discussion, or rejected, not stopping even before rejecting laws that punished openly praising crimes and strictly punishing the sowers of unrest in the army. Having evaded condemnation of murders and violence, the State Duma did not render moral assistance to the government in the matter of introducing the order of moral assistance, and Russia continues to experience the shame of criminal hard times.
The slow consideration by the State Duma of the state painting has caused difficulties in the timely satisfaction of many urgent needs of the people.
A significant part of the Duma turned the right to interrogate the government into a way of fighting the government and inciting mistrust in it among the general population.
Finally, an act unheard of in the annals of history took place. The judiciary uncovered a conspiracy of an entire section of the State Duma against the state and the tsarist government. When our government demanded a temporary, pending trial, the elimination of the fifty-five members of the Duma accused of this crime and the imprisonment of the most convicted of them, the State Duma did not immediately fulfill the legitimate demand of the authorities, which did not allow any delay.
All this prompted Us to dissolve the State Duma of the second convocation by a decree given to the ruling Senate on June 3 this June, setting the date for convening a new Duma on November 1 of this 1907.
But, believing in the love of the homeland and the state mind of Our people, We see the reason for the twofold failure of the State Duma's activities in the fact that, due to the novelty of the matter and the imperfection of the electoral law, this legislative institution was replenished with members who did not appear to be the real spokesmen for the needs and desires of the people.
Therefore, keeping in force all the rights given to our subjects by Our Manifesto of October 17, 1905 and the basic laws of law, We have accepted the decision to change only the very method of calling the elected people from the people to the State Duma, so that each part of the people has its own chosen ones in it.
Created to strengthen the Russian state, the State Duma should be Russian in spirit.
Other nationalities that were part of Our Power should have representatives of their needs in the State Duma, but they should not and will not be among the number that gives them the opportunity to be the rulers of purely Russian issues.
In the same outskirts of the state, where the population has not achieved a sufficient development of citizenship, elections to the State Duma should be temporarily suspended.
All these changes in the electoral procedure cannot be carried out in the usual legislative way through that State Duma, the composition of which We recognized as unsatisfactory, due to the imperfection of the very method of electing its members. Only the power that bestowed the first electoral law, the historical power of the Russian tsar, has the right to cancel it and replace it with a new one.
From the Lord God has been entrusted to Us the royal power over Our people. Before His throne, We will give an answer for the fate of the Russian state.
In this consciousness We derive a firm resolve to complete the work of transforming Russia begun by Us and grant it a new electoral law, which we command the ruling Senate to promulgate.
From our faithful subjects, We expect unanimous and vigorous, along the path indicated by Us, service to the motherland, whose sons at all times have been a solid bulwark of its strength, greatness and glory.<...>
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