The personality of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko is known thanks to his place of work, which is the administration of the President of the Russian Federation. In the past, he is a State Duma deputy and former leader of the MGER party. Now he is the deputy head of the Department of Internal Policy of the Presidential Administration.
Journalist
Timur Prokopenko was born in the small town of Staraya Kupavna, which is located in the Moscow region. Graduated in 2002 from the Faculty of Journalism at the Military University of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. His father was an FSB colonel.
Who is Timur Prokopenko? His professional biography begins with his work at ITAR-TASS as a correspondent. He covered news both regionally and internationally. The scope of his work was extensive. The future politician visited many He covered terrorist attacks and high-profile events, and soon became involved in the parliamentary pool. It covered the activities of the highest representative power, and the work of Prokopenko as a correspondent was now also linked to the legislative framework.
Further training
After training as a journalist, in 2004 he completed his studies at the MIPK Moscow State Linguistic University. Soon he received a diploma from another educational institution - the Russian Academy of State Service under the President of the Russian Federation (2006). The Civil Registry Office conducts professional training and retraining of specialists for further civil service.
Political career
2005 - the starting point of the formation of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko as a politician. He begins to work in the State Duma as the press secretary of the vice-speaker of parliament from the "United Russia" Vladimir Pekhtin. Two years later, he was appointed to the Far Eastern District. It happened in 2007.
After a couple of years, Timur returns to the State Duma again as a press secretary, only now he is no longer working for Pekhtin, but for the speaker of parliament
In 2010, Prokopenko became the head of the Coordination Council of the Young Guard of United Russia. At almost the same time, he began to participate in the activities of the All-Russian Popular Front. Timur Valentinovich spent a year as a deputy of the State Duma. In 2012, he resigned ahead of schedule. In the same period, Prokopenko ceased to hold the post of chairman of the Constitutional Court "Young Guard". He is a member of the United Russia faction. He has been the head of the department for work with youth organizations since 2012. He is the Deputy Chairman of the Committee for Physical Education, Sports and Youth Affairs.
Leader of the "Young Guard"
The very fact that the young aspiring politician Prokopenko, far from this sphere, was given the post of leader of MGER, stunned other candidates left behind. Despite his initial lack of experience in this matter, he successfully served in this position for two years.
The tasks of this youth organization, which was once headed by Timur Prokopenko, are mainly as follows: to involve talented and active youth in politics and to solve social problems. MGER provides activists with the necessary basis to realize themselves in the field of public activity and politics. During his tenure in this post, Prokopenko had the opportunity to apply his abilities in practice and to join this sphere, more than 10,000 members of the "Young Guard" received. Among them, candidates were nominated for the State Duma of the Russian Federation. Also, the work of MGER is aimed at solving social issues and helping those in need.
Timur Prokopenko: presidential administration
Now he serves in the Department for Internal Policy of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation. Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko is the deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs, and his place of work is now the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation. Previously, his field of activity covered youth and information policy, but currently he deals with issues that relate to federal parties and elections. Timur was appointed to this post in February 2012.
A department for work with youth was created in the Presidential Administration. Prokopenko was appointed head of this department. Due to the fact that he was appointed to a new position, he had to leave the "Young Guard" and the place of the State Duma deputy. Now in his competence is work with youth organizations, as well as the formation of the ideology of youth policy in the country. The creation of this department and the appointment of the head of the former head of MHER means the end of the dominance in the youth policy of Rosmolodezh.
Personal life
Little is known about the politician's family life. Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko is married and has one child - a daughter. It should be noted that this person does not like to talk about his personal life.
Timur Prokopenko: correspondence and scandal
His name is associated with a high-profile story that resonated in 2014-2015. Allegedly, a group of hackers hacked Prokopenko's e-mail and phone, and then posted personal correspondence on the Internet for public access, which covers the life of politicians and some incriminating information affecting their activities. This information shed light on a number of high-profile cases and touched on the details of these stories.
The publication of these messages (far from the best side) showed the state of affairs in politics. Here the Kremlin's pressure on the media and methods of fighting the opposition was revealed. But the scandal was soon forgotten, and no one needed numerous revealing information. As many argued, the fact of disclosure of this correspondence was soon simply forgotten, because, in fact, no serious action was taken from anyone. As some politicians said, if this had happened in another country, such a publication would have caused a huge scandal that lasted for many years, with all the ensuing consequences. In our country, this resonant case took place mainly only in the context of its discussion in blogs.
The correspondence contains information on how the meetings with the participation of the general directors of various TV channels are held and what pressure is exerted by the state apparatus on the media. There is also a correspondence between the politician and famous colleagues and actors regarding professional activities and personal moments.
Who needed to leak information from Prokopenko's correspondence?
There is no definite answer to this question. In the posted SMS correspondence, there is no particularly serious compromising material on Timur Prokopenko himself. There are many versions regarding the mail cracker. In fact, this correspondence is messages on work issues and part of information from Prokopenko's personal life. There are various options for who actually benefited from making this information publicly available.
There is even an assumption that the information was leaked by Prokopenko himself, and there is also an opinion about Kremlin intrigues and the intervention of Russian and foreign special services. Be that as it may, the main harm due to the fact of information leakage was caused not by the content of confidential information itself, but by the fact that this incident happened as such.
Prokopenko could head the UVP, since the head of the department, Oleg Morozov, resigned in the spring of 2015. But it was almost at this time that a sensational incident occurred with the disclosure of personal correspondence. This fact prevented Timur Prokopenko from taking a high position.
True biography of Timur Prokopenko
Sender: Mikhail Kitaytsev 13:08:56 10/03/2011 :The appointment of Timur Prokopenko, the press secretary of the State Duma speaker, as the new leader of the pro-Kremlin youth organization Young Guard, was completely unexpected even for the most sophisticated experts in the youth political behind the scenes.
Dozens of MGER activists, who have proven themselves to be the builders of the future Russia, devoted to the party's cause, applied for this post, abandoned by Ruslan Gattarov, Senator of the Federation Council from the Chelyabinsk Region. Numerous youth leaders, including parliamentarians from the Federal Assembly, were seen as potential leaders of the youth wing of United Russia. " However, it turned out that the all-seeing eye of the Kremlin ideology made its choice in favor of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko, a young man who is very far from youth politics.
And what did Timur Prokopenko do before his historic appointment? The official media provide very scant information on this matter.
It is known that Prokopenko studied at the Military University, that he worked as a special correspondent for ITAR-TASS, and then headed a structural unit of the Presidential Envoy's Office in the Far Eastern Federal District. The last post of Timur Prokopenko, announced by the official media, was the press secretary of the State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov.For a 30-year-old graduate of a military university, the biography is, of course, rich. At the same time, Prokopenko himself, before his appointment to the heads of MGER, never appeared in the news, and there is surprisingly little information about his person on the Internet. What allowed this young man to "get out of the gloom" and immediately sit in political "queens"?
Let's try to figure it out ...To unearth Timur Prokopenko's past, our correspondent had to spend quite a lot of time. Nevertheless, there were many people who knew Prokopenko at different times and in different places. Backstage information was thrown by, among other things, journalists accredited in the State Duma, where Timur Prokopenko worked for several years. Little by little, the picture began to emerge. In general, let's start ...
First of all, let us note that Prokopenko's entry into the power structures was not accidental. Timur is the son of a high-ranking officer of the GKB of the USSR, then the FSB of Russia. Little is known about Timur Prokopenko's school years - he lived with his family abroad, then studied at a Moscow school in the Polezhaevskaya area.
From the few interviews with Prokopenko, it is known that he was seriously involved in hockey and even was a member of the youth team of the capital's Dynamo. Then his friends on sticks and pucks made a career for themselves in the NHL and the KHL, and Timur went to study at the Military University, which previously bore the name of the Military-Political Academy. Lenin.It is not known exactly what the Chekists' children have been doing at the Military University for five years. However, we can conclude that they are being prepared precisely for the goals that were indicated in the Soviet name of the famous university - for political work. Working within your country for the benefit of the current political system. Therefore, this university has always belonged to the category of the most prestigious military educational institutions.
Children of the highest ranks of the army and other law enforcement agencies studied here. The professions of military lawyers, translators, journalists and psychologists were considered prestigious both in Soviet times and in the troubled 90s. Among the cadets of the Military University there have always been many who came from high-ranking families. It is known, for example, that the son of the then deputy director of the FSB German Ugryumov, the grandson of Marshal of the USSR Oleg Losik, and other generals' offspring studied in the same platoon with Timur Prokopenko.
It was not possible to find out where Timur Prokopenko served after graduating from the Military University. Perhaps he was trained in one of the secret educational institutions of power structures, or took the first steps in the field of state security. The position of the ITAR-TASS special correspondent, for sure, was only a cover for other, more closed activities. By the way, the "arms baron" Viktor Bout studied at the same military university as Prokopenko, only ten years earlier, and was sent to Africa as a military translator.
Prokopenko himself said in one of his interviews that during his work at TASS he visited all the hot spots of the country and some abroad. Whether he has since removed his shoulder straps, or is still an active officer, is unknown.
In the middle of the fourth convocation of the State Duma, Timur Prokopenko “surfaced” in the lower house of parliament. Now - as the press secretary of the then vice-speaker Vladimir Pekhtin, known for his direct participation in the internal politics of the Far Eastern regions of Russia. In this capacity, Timur Prokopenko is well remembered by seasoned parliamentary journalists. However, the young man soon moved to the Presidential Administration, becoming the head of one of the departments in the office of the Presidential Plenipotentiary for the Far Eastern Federal District Oleg Safonov.
Recall that Colonel-General Oleg Safonov belongs to the "Petersburg" security forces, and in the 90s he worked with Vladimir Putin in the Committee for External Relations of the St. Petersburg City Hall. From 2007 to 2009, he held the post of Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Far Eastern Federal District, at the moment - Deputy Director of the Federal Service of the Russian Federation for Drug Control (FSKN).
Being a subordinate of the plenipotentiary representative Safonov, Timur Prokopenko gained fame in the Far East, first of all, as a specialist in underground political technologies. He participated in a number of campaigns to change the government in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District, working on the part of the federal center in close cooperation with the regional state security bodies. Three-year-old photographs were found in the photo bank of one of the Far Eastern news agencies. They give an objective idea of the environment where the current leader of the Kremlin youth worked.
Several high-profile scandals related to the corruption activities of the local elite were associated with his work in the Far East.
After the return of plenipotentiary Safonov to the power structures, Timur Prokopenko again appeared in the State Duma, now in the high post of press secretary of the State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov. For a year and a half, Prokopenko was engaged in the PR of the speaker, and we must pay tribute - after his departure to MGER, the chairman of the lower chamber on TV has become much less.The question is - why does Molodaya Gvardiya have an absolutely encrypted Kremlin security official Timur Prokopenko? Maybe to carry out a pre-election "cleansing" of this youth organization? Over the course of several months of his leadership, several key figures in MGER have lost their posts at once. Recently, Prokopenko dismissed the head of the Central Headquarters of the MHER Roman Teryushkov and the chairman of the Public Council of the MHER Alexander Borisov. According to rumors - for financial fraud.
In 2010-2012, he led the Young Guard of United Russia. In December 2011, he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the VI convocation from the United Russia party as a representative of the Saratov region.
He resigned his parliamentary powers ahead of schedule, moving in February 2012 to work in the Internal Policy Directorate (UVP) of the Presidential Administration of Russia. As a deputy head of the UVP, until December 2014, he was engaged in youth and information policy, then began to oversee federal parties and elections. In late 2014 - early 2015, he became involved in a number of scandalous publications carried out by the Anonymous International group, which posted on the Internet “materials allegedly obtained as a result of the hacking of Prokopenko’s mail and phone”. According to RBC, this information attack prevented Prokopenko from heading the UVP instead of Oleg Morozov, who resigned in March 2015 [
Why is Sergei Kiriyenko reorganizing the political bloc of the Presidential Administration? What awaits the governor of the Moscow Region Andrei Vorobyov. As the governor of Saratov, Valery Radaev received permission to be elected for a new term. Who is to blame for the failure of the Anti-Terror Day on April 6. How Viacheslav Volodin used Alexei Navalny and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
According to sources close to the presidential administration, since the beginning of April there has been a reorganization of the internal political bloc. The main priority of his curator, the first deputy head of the Presidential Administration Sergei Kirienko The Office of Public Projects (ODP) was strengthened, where about 20 employees were transferred from the Office of Internal Policy (ODP). The Department of Information Policy has been created in the UOP, as well as work with institutions for the protection of citizens' rights and the development of civil society has been strengthened. Issues of interaction between the Kremlin and the public have been transferred to the UVP, and the department, which previously dealt with political parties, will now be responsible for public associations. This redistribution, according to sources, will weaken the deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs Timur Prokopenko, one of the few "people of Volodin" remaining in significant posts - the former first deputy head of the Presidential Administration. Previously, Prokopenko was responsible for all political parties, now - only for small non-parliamentary and public organizations. Work with the main parties - "United Russia", the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and "Fair Russia" - will now be another department of the UVP. With this reorganization, sources believe, Kiriyenko tore the official working link between the speaker of the State Duma Viacheslav Volodin and Prokopenko.
The "serial" about the difficult political fate of the governor of the Moscow region continues Andrey Vorobyov... According to informed sources, the Vorobyov clan through representatives of the inner circle Vladimir Putin managed to get the verdict: "Let it work for now ...". Allegedly, one of these days on federal TV channels will show the meeting of the governor with Vladimir Putin. If this happens, then it will be possible to believe in the assertions of Vorobiev's entourage that their boss fought off an imminent resignation and this "for now" may last until the presidential elections of 2018 and a new large-scale personnel reformatting of the structures of Russian power.
In political and business circles of the Saratov region, the March appointment of the governor Valeria Radaeva interim, which means the Kremlin's permission to be elected in the fall of 2017 for a new term, is not at all associated with the support of his fellow countryman, the speaker of the State Duma Viacheslav Volodin... Allegedly, Volodin did not personally lobby for the reappointment of Radaev, explaining that now it is outside his sphere of competence. According to regional sources, Radaev managed to establish close economic ties with Moscow during the 2016 parliamentary campaign. And when the president made a decision - to change or not to change the Saratov governor - the big investments made by the Moscow mayor's office in the economy of the Saratov region became an argument in favor of Radaev. At the same time, there is an opinion among Moscow and Saratov experts that Volodin, who demonstrates to Putin his focus on Duma affairs, actually asked the mayor of Moscow Sergei Sobyanin to plead for Radaev before the president.
On the sidelines of the State Duma, they are actively discussing the background of the Communist's deputy request Valeria Rashkina in the RF IC with a request to check the information Alexey Navalny about possible corruption activities of the prime minister Dmitry Medvedev, as well as the requirement of the Communist Party faction to consider this issue at the Duma meeting. Allegedly, criticism of Medvedev by the leadership of the Communist Party was "warmed up" by the speaker Viacheslav Volodin... He decided to use the Communists to make it clear to the prime minister that the government depends on parliament, and to get the opportunity to prove himself as an arbiter between the Communist Party and the White House. However, after the president took Medvedev to the Arctic archipelago, Volodin had to "move back." He said that supporting the initiative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation means supporting Navalny, who sings from the voice of Western intelligence services. Nevertheless, in the Duma lobbies, it is believed that Volodin achieved his apparatus goals: through the Communist Party of the Russian Federation he supported the tension around the “Medvedev’s cabinet”, while he himself remained “behind the scenes” of intrigue and demonstrated to the president that he was working hard to consolidate power in a difficult situation.
The Kremlin corridors claim that the "punctures" in the organization of anti-terrorism rallies in memory of the victims of the explosion in the subway in St. Petersburg were the result of disagreements between Sergey Kirienko and the head of the Office of Internal Policy Andrey Yarin... Kiriyenko insisted on organizing 2-3 large rallies at large enterprises such as AvtoVAZ. The UVP lowered the order to organize 2-3 meetings in small and 5-6 in large regions of the country. Allegedly, the UVP monitored the number of rallies almost online and ordered the regions where they were small in number to "add" people. Hence - the mobilization of state employees and paid extras. In the coverage of the media and bloggers, this is exactly how all the events of April 6 were organized. This angered the administration of the Presidential Administration, which was followed by a tough conversation between Kiriyenko and Yarin. According to one version, Yarin, who is in a hardware alliance with Viacheslav Volodin, deliberately framed Kiriyenko once again. On the other hand, Yarin is working for another team preparing for the 2018 elections. And this team has a different view of what is needed to support Putin from Kiriyenko.
The appointment of Timur Prokopenko, the press secretary of the State Duma speaker, as the new leader of the pro-Kremlin youth organization Young Guard, was completely unexpected even for the most sophisticated experts in the youth political behind the scenes.
Dozens of MGER activists, who have proven themselves to be the builders of the future Russia, devoted to the party's cause, applied for this post, abandoned by Ruslan Gattarov, Senator of the Federation Council from the Chelyabinsk Region. Numerous youth leaders, including parliamentarians from the Federal Assembly, were seen as potential leaders of the youth wing of United Russia. " However, it turned out that the all-seeing eye of the Kremlin ideology made its choice in favor of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko, a young man who is very far from youth politics.
And what did Timur Prokopenko do before his historic appointment? The official media provide very scant information on this matter.
It is known that Prokopenko studied at the Military University, that he worked as a special correspondent for ITAR-TASS, and then headed a structural unit of the Presidential Envoy's Office in the Far Eastern Federal District. The last post of Timur Prokopenko, announced by the official media, was the press secretary of the State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov.
For a 30-year-old graduate of a military university, the biography is, of course, rich. At the same time, Prokopenko himself, before his appointment to the heads of MGER, never appeared in the news, and there is surprisingly little information about his person on the Internet. What allowed this young man to "get out of the gloom" and immediately sit in political "queens"?
Let's try to figure it out ...
To unearth Timur Prokopenko's past, our correspondent had to spend quite a lot of time. Nevertheless, there were many people who knew Prokopenko at different times and in different places. Backstage information was thrown by, among other things, journalists accredited in the State Duma, where Timur Prokopenko worked for several years. Little by little, the picture began to emerge. In general, let's start ...
First of all, let us note that Prokopenko's entry into the power structures was not accidental. Timur is the son of a high-ranking officer of the GKB of the USSR, then the FSB of Russia. Little is known about Timur Prokopenko's school years - he lived with his family abroad, then studied at a Moscow school in the Polezhaevskaya area.
From the few interviews with Prokopenko, it is known that he was seriously involved in hockey and even was a member of the youth team of the capital's Dynamo. Then his friends on sticks and pucks made a career for themselves in the NHL and the KHL, and Timur went to study at the Military University, which previously bore the name of the Military-Political Academy. Lenin.
It is not known exactly what the Chekists' children have been doing at the Military University for five years. However, we can conclude that they are being prepared precisely for the goals that were indicated in the Soviet name of the famous university - for political work. Working within your country for the benefit of the current political system. Therefore, this university has always belonged to the category of the most prestigious military educational institutions.
Children of the highest ranks of the army and other law enforcement agencies studied here. The professions of military lawyers, translators, journalists and psychologists were considered prestigious both in Soviet times and in the troubled 90s. Among the cadets of the Military University there have always been many who came from high-ranking families. It is known, for example, that the son of the then deputy director of the FSB German Ugryumov, the grandson of Marshal of the USSR Oleg Losik, and other generals' offspring studied in the same platoon with Timur Prokopenko.
It was not possible to find out where Timur Prokopenko served after graduating from the Military University. Perhaps he was trained in one of the secret educational institutions of power structures, or took the first steps in the field of state security. The position of the ITAR-TASS special correspondent, for sure, was only a cover for other, more closed activities. By the way, the "arms baron" Viktor Bout studied at the same military university as Prokopenko, only ten years earlier, and was sent to Africa as a military translator.
Prokopenko himself said in one of his interviews that during his work at TASS he visited all the hot spots of the country and some abroad. Whether he has since removed his shoulder straps, or is still an active officer, is unknown.
In the middle of the fourth convocation of the State Duma, Timur Prokopenko “surfaced” in the lower house of parliament. Now - as the press secretary of the then vice-speaker Vladimir Pekhtin, known for his direct participation in the internal politics of the Far Eastern regions of Russia. In this capacity, Timur Prokopenko is well remembered by seasoned parliamentary journalists. However, the young man soon moved to the Presidential Administration, becoming the head of one of the departments in the office of the Presidential Plenipotentiary for the Far Eastern Federal District Oleg Safonov.
Recall that Colonel-General Oleg Safonov belongs to the "Petersburg" security forces, and in the 90s he worked with Vladimir Putin in the Committee for External Relations of the St. Petersburg City Hall. From 2007 to 2009, he held the post of Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Far Eastern Federal District, at the moment - Deputy Director of the Federal Service of the Russian Federation for Drug Control (FSKN).
Being a subordinate of the plenipotentiary representative Safonov, Timur Prokopenko gained fame in the Far East, first of all, as a specialist in underground political technologies. He participated in a number of campaigns to change the government in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District, working on the part of the federal center in close cooperation with the regional state security bodies. Three-year-old photographs were found in the photo bank of one of the Far Eastern news agencies. They give an objective idea of the environment where the current leader of the Kremlin youth worked.
Several high-profile scandals related to the corruption activities of the local elite were associated with his work in the Far East.
After the return of plenipotentiary Safonov to the power structures, Timur Prokopenko again appeared in the State Duma, now in the high post of press secretary of the State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov. For a year and a half, Prokopenko was engaged in the PR of the speaker, and we must pay tribute - after his departure to MGER, the chairman of the lower chamber on TV has become much less.
The question is - why does Molodaya Gvardiya have an absolutely encrypted Kremlin security official Timur Prokopenko? Maybe to carry out a pre-election "cleansing" of this youth organization? Over the course of several months of his leadership, several key figures in MGER have lost their posts at once. Recently, Prokopenko dismissed the head of the Central Headquarters of the MHER Roman Teryushkov and the chairman of the Public Council of the MHER Alexander Borisov. According to rumors - for financial fraud.
In the Yves Rocher case, it was postponed to December 30, and today the entire center of Moscow is cordoned off by police and internal troops in anticipation of an action on Manezhnaya Square. And today Anonymous International has released a new portion of the hacked mail, this time belonging to Timur Prokopenko, deputy head of the internal policy department of the Presidential Administration, in the public domain. Navalny is one of the main characters in this correspondence.
Prokopenko, as far as we can judge from the letters, was responsible for the information preparation of the trial against Navalny. The ordered materials organized by him concerned all criminal cases related to Navalny, including the case of Yves Rocher. So, on November 20, 2013, Timur Prokopenko was sent for approval a text entitled “The Navalny case on“ Yves Rocher ”is almost a year old”. On December 2, the same text appears on the blog of the pro-Kremlin blogger-photographer Yevgeny Lavrov, who writes in LiveJournal under the nickname tesey. The same text is then distributed verbatim on many Internet resources, including on separate sites dedicated to "compromising evidence" against Navalny. (This same Lavrov, as follows from the correspondence, wrote many other custom-made posts about Navalny).
And here is a wonderful document entitled “Report on the actions to develop the topic by A.N. September 10 - 12, 2013 " - here Timur Prokopenko is reported on 24 pages with screenshots and examples of how Navalny's topic was “worked out” on the Internet.
January 24, 2014 Christina Potupchik sends Timur Prokopenko a letter with 12 screenshots 2010 correspondence between Navalny and Ashurkov in which they discuss business issues, including their sources of information at Alfa Group. Someday, the investigation will probably still establish what exactly Mr. Prokopenko and his subordinates were doing - hacking someone else's mail or faking it. Neither one nor the other, however, falls within the scope of his competence.
On June 19, 2014, Prokopenko's mail turns out to be a video that The Insider has already uploaded - this is a complete video of a conversation with the janitor Sergei Sotov, who hung his funny pictures on the fences. In the video, Sergei says that he has no complaints about the people who take pictures. However, a criminal case was instituted against Navalny's comrades-in-arms about the "theft of a painting by artist Sergei Sotov", and from this interview a piece was cut out about the absence of claims and posted on the air of the "PE" program on the NTV channel, known for its ordered materials. It is noteworthy that the video appears in Prokopenko's mail on the 19th, and on the air of NTV it is only on the 20th. The submitter of the video, Artur Omarov, is also a well-known person; he made a career in the radical wing of the Nashi movement called Steel, which has already found itself at the center of many scandals (including, for example, due to the fact that the Steel manifesto turned out to be a literal quote from Goebbels' Ten Commandments of National Socialism).
"To the Minister of Internal Affairs
Russian Federation
Kolokoltsev V.A.
Dear Vladimir Alexandrovich!
March 14 and 15 this year in the media (NTV television company, RBC agency, etc.; copies are attached) information appeared that during a special operation of law enforcement agencies in the center of Moscow in Maly Vasilkovsky lane in the apartment of Yuli Kaloev, accused of embezzling 760 million rubles from Sberbank, and hiding from justice , home to the famous politician Vladimir Ashurkov.
According to the information received, Vladimir Ashurkov allegedly rented the indicated apartment from Yulia Kaloev for an amount of about 1 million rubles a month. At the same time, it is reported that Vladimir Ashurkov, who heads the Anti-Corruption Foundation, has not officially been working for two years.
At the same time, the media, as well as many bloggers, draw attention to the fact that in 2013 Vladimir Ashurkov was involved in a scandalous story with the collection of funds for the election campaign of Alexei Navalny using non-transparent schemes, incl. through Yandex-wallet. According to reports: "The fundraising campaign was accompanied by scandals about" cutting "the money of the headquarters, the purchase of goods and services for 2-3 times (of the real) cost and the final" report "- called by many bloggers and experts a" phony letter ", according to which it is incomprehensible the fate of a good ten million ”. Taking into account the great public resonance, as well as the fact that the question concerns an organization that, according to its own goals, is engaged in the fight against corruption ("Anti-Corruption Fund"), I ask you to check these facts, in particular:
To establish whether the lease agreement for the said apartment was officially concluded, and whether taxes on the income of individuals were paid from the income received by Yuri Kaloev from its delivery.
Establish the amount of funds received to the account of the Anti-Corruption Fund in Alfa-Bank;
Establish the sources of income of Vladimir Ashurkov for 2013, in particular, check his personal accounts at the aforementioned Alfa-Bank, City-Bank, as well as other financial institutions;
Establish the extent to which Vladimir Ashurkov used the funds of the Anti-Corruption Fund, as well as the money received during the election campaign of Alexei Navalny to finance the rent of an apartment worth 1 million rubles a month, and other personal goals;
Sincerely, …"
Cooperation with Anastasia Kashevarova did not stop there - it was she who initiated a number of publications in Izvestia on the so-called "Case Markvo"- another absurd criminal case against Navalny's associates, this time in connection with the participation of Vladimir Ashurkov's common-law wife in projects funded by the Moscow Government. Kashevarova served Prokopenko not only in matters related to Navalny. On March 20, 2014, Prokopenko sent her materials for an ordered article about deputy Ilya Ponomarev - the letter contains informational information that Ponomarev allegedly bribed witnesses during the trial with Sergei Troitsky, as well as a transcript of the "wiretapping" of Ponomarev's negotiations with witnesses. In addition, Prokopenko determines from which commentators Kashevarova should be taken for a comment. For example, on March 17, 2014, he sends her the "List of commentators on US sanctions against Mizulina" - and there are only two commentators on the list - Kucheren's lawyer and the chairman of the Russian Red Cross (not to be confused with the International Red Cross) Raisa Lukutseva ...
Kashevarova, of course, is not the only journalist who has served Prokopenko. So, for example, here is a letter dated November 23, 2013, in which a customized article about Oleg Shein is sent to Moskovsky Komsomolets: And here is the material itself, published 4 days later:
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But back to Navalny. One of the most striking revelations of the Anti-Corruption Fund in 2014 was a series of materials about cooperative "Pines" where the most prominent deputies and officials bought plots of land for themselves, the market value of which is much higher than everything that they could officially earn in their entire life (and these plots and real estate did not appear in the income statement). One of the antiheroes of this exposure was the chairman of the Duma Committee on Economic Policy Igor Rudensky... The Insider has already written about how Rudensky, worried about the exposure, tried to hush up the story. New interesting details are revealed in Prokopenko's mail. On November 30, 2013, Rudensky, in his defense, wrote a post on the Ekho Moskvy website. But judging by the correspondence, this post was written not by Rudensky, but by Prokopenko, while Rudensky only made minor edits:
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In addition to Navalny, Ponomarev and Shein, there are other objects of ordered materials in the correspondence, among them, for example, Olga Romanova and Maria Gaidar: the Administration worked on them aimed at them during the elections to the Moscow City Duma. For example, here is the report by Kristina Potupchik, sent to Timur Prokopenko on July 17, 2014. On December 19, Potupchik sends Prokopenko to "detention for Khodorkovsky." And on November 6, 2013, Potupchik sends Prokopenko a denunciation of the owners of Dozhd, spouses Natalya Sindeeva and Alexander Vinokurov, and refers in it to the ntv blogger (Timofey Vasiliev):
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In general, the work of Prokopenko's team is rich and multifaceted. Unfortunately, the correspondence contains only the media plan for October 2013, but it also allows you to create a certain idea of the breadth of the problems covered, among the tasks set:
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