"Sun Yat Sen" - monitor of the Russian and Soviet fleet, belonging to the Shkval type; one of seven monitors of this type.
Ship history
The ship was laid down in 1907 at the Baltic Shipyard in St. Petersburg as an armored river gunboat under the name Shkval. The ship was transported in parts to the Far East, where it was assembled and launched in June 1909 in the village of Kokuy on the Shilka River.
The ship entered service on October 3, 1910 and became part of the Amur Military Flotilla. In 1920, Shkval was taken by Japanese invaders to Sakhalin, but on May 1, 1925, it was returned to the Soviet Union. In 1927, the ship was restored and on February 15, renamed "Sun Yat-Sen" in honor of the Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen, and on November 6, 1928, reclassified as a monitor.
From the beginning of the 1930s, the future admiral of the fleet Nikolai Sergeev served as an artilleryman on the monitor. In 1935, he was appointed assistant commander of the ship.
In 1937-1938 it was carried out major renovation with modernization. Since 1937, the monitor was commanded by captain 3rd rank Korner Viktor Dmitrievich (1912-1984), Hero Soviet Union(09/14/1945)
Start Soviet-Japanese War The monitor met as part of the 1st brigade of river ships in the Srednyaya channel near the mouth of the Sungari. The ship took part in the battles on the Songhua River, landing and supporting infantry landings with fire in the area of the villages of Tusyke, Honghedao, the cities of Fujin and Sanxing. On August 16, the ship was damaged by a medium-caliber shell, and on August 30 it was awarded the rank of guard.
| "Sun Yat Sen" | |
| “Shkval” (until 02/15/1927), “Suchan” (from 07/19/1947) | |
| Service: | Russia USSR USSR |
| Vessel class and type | Monitor |
| Manufacturer | Baltic Shipyard, St. Petersburg |
| Construction has started | 1907 |
| Launched | June 1909 |
| Commissioned | October 3, 1910 |
| Main characteristics | |
| Displacement | 1000 t |
| Length | 70.98 m |
| Width | 12.8 m |
| Draft | 1.61 m |
| Crew | 152-156 people |
(1866-1925), leader of the revolutionary movement in China, which overthrew the monarchy in that country in 1911. Born in Guangdong Province, near Canton (Guangzhou). According to a number of sources, he is known under the names Sun Wen and Sun Zhongshan ("Central Mountain") - the latter is the Chinese equivalent of his Japanese pseudonym "Nakayama". Sun Yat-sen's homeland was one of those places in China from which a large flow of immigrants came. Thanks to his older brother, who moved to Hawaii, Sun was able to study in Honolulu and then in Hong Kong, where he completed a course in Western medicine in 1892. Already from his youth, he was oriented towards the West and “modernization” and subsequently received considerable support from the huaqiao (overseas Chinese) and traders who settled in the open ports of China. Conversion to Christianity created additional convenience for him in establishing close friendships with foreigners. At the same time, his burning hatred of Western imperialism and admiration for the successes of Japanese modernization prompted him to turn his gaze to Japan, where he found shelter, friends, followers and, over time, support for the implementation of his plans. After graduation, Sun spent some time practicing medicine in Macau, where he met members of secret political societies. In 1894, he traveled to Northern China and tried unsuccessfully to outline his modernization program to the Manchu governor Li Hongchang. In 1895, after the disastrous Sino-Japanese War for China, Sun Yat-sen made the first attempt to organize an uprising in Canton. This uprising, like a dozen subsequent ones, was suppressed. Sun emigrated to Japan, where, switching to traditional Japanese clothing, he began to live under the name Nakayama. He later moved to London and barely escaped with his life after being ambushed and handed over to the Chinese embassy. Firmly believing that the main purpose of his life was the successful implementation of the revolution in China, he nevertheless returned to the East. From that moment until the 1911 revolution, he traveled widely, collecting funds and supporters from among the Chinese living abroad. Some of his most ambitious uprisings were staged with foreign assistance, one based in Japanese-controlled Taiwan, another in French Indochina. After Japan's victory over Russia in 1905, the revolutionary movement entered a new phase. That same year, in Tokyo, where thousands of Chinese students were studying, Sun Yat-sen organized the "Revolutionary League" ("Tongmenghui"). The League's main goal - the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty - so eclipsed all other goals that the participants in the movement did not pay attention to the lack of unity in its ranks. In 1911, when Sun Yat-sen was in the United States, a group of revolutionaries in Hankou, fearing the failure of their organization, gave the signal for the start of an almost unprepared uprising. To the surprise of the revolutionaries, military units went over to their side, and officials of the monarchical administration did not dare. carry out the order to suppress the rebellion by force. The Manchu dynasty was overthrown, and Sun Yat-sen returned to his homeland in triumph. He was immediately elected president of the Republic of China. However, the commander of the imperial army, Yuan Shikai, still had significant forces to defeat the Republicans in the event of a military confrontation. This is why Sun Yat-sen resigned his post in favor of Yuan Shikai. Believing that the protection of the gains of the revolution would be properly ensured by the new constitutional mechanism, Sun agreed to deal only with economic planning and formulated ambitious development programs railways and industry. To his disappointment, the leaders of the new republic were far from unified on the issue of political strategy, and Yuan Shikai (who aspired to take the imperial throne), resorting to violence and international financial assistance, dispelled all the hopes of supporters of liberal parliamentarism. Sun tried to fight Yuan by proclaiming the beginning of the second revolution in 1913, but failed and again left for Japan. Over the next few years, his chances in politics were lower than ever. During the period of dominance of local militarists that followed the death of Yuan Shikai in 1916, Sun Yat-sen tried to negotiate the creation of a coalition with Chen Jiongming, who had seized power in Guangdong: without an army, Sun could act on the political stage only on the terms set by the military. Gradually he began to restore his high status as a tribune of the people, taking advantage of the new wave of nationalism that arose as a result of dissatisfaction with the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles among the students, merchants and workers of the coastal cities of China. His denunciations of Western imperialism contributed to the growth of his authority. In 1922, after an unsuccessful attempt to outmaneuver the Cantonese militarists, Sun moved to Shanghai. Here he met with Comintern agent A.A. Ioffe, who was sent to China to search for possible allies in pursuing pro-Soviet policies. In 1923, having reached an understanding with Joffe, Sun was able to receive broad support from Russia in the creation of the United Front, although he did not allow himself to be persuaded to recognize the communist path of development of China. In accordance with the instructions of the Russian adviser M.M. Borodin, the Kuomintang - the political brainchild of Sun Yat-sen - was reorganized according to the principle of “democratic centralism” accepted in the Communist parties, which provided for the concentration of all power in the hands of a small group of leaders. Armed detachments were equipped and trained; The Chinese communists, who, in accordance with the agreement, joined the Kuomintang, began to carry out propaganda and organizational preparations for the military action of Chiang Kai-shek, who was faced with the task of ending the power of the militarists in the provinces. During this period, Sun gave a series of lectures, which eventually took shape in a revolutionary program that became the development of his “Three Principles of the People” (“San Min Zhu Yi”), first proclaimed in 1905. Of Sun’s three principles, the first is “people’s rule” ( often translated as "nationalism") - had long been central to both his thoughts and appeals. This principle emphasized the importance of restoring China's equality with the Western powers, which had turned China into their collective colony, and called for a willingness to live in common spirit with the nation. The second principle - "people's powers", often interpreted as "democracy" - accumulated Sun's ideas about the organization of power. Sun Yat-sen believed that the people, even having gained independence, were still unable to manage it, for which the national elite, the Kuomintang, should have prepared them. Borrowing freely from Western theories, Sun was ready to give the people four instruments of power - elections, agitation, legislative initiative and referendum. Formed from trained specialists, the government was to consist of five branches: legislative, executive, legal, civil-administrative and censorship. Finally, developing the third principle - “people's living wealth”, which is sometimes translated as “socialism”, Sun turned to the ideas of G. George and some other theorists and tried to prove that a differentiated land tax could become the basis for solving fiscal and agrarian problems in China . At the end of 1924, Sun Yat-sen went on a trip to Northern China in last hope conduct fruitful negotiations with the military leaders of the provinces, but soon became seriously ill.
Sun Yat-sen died in Beijing on March 12, 1925.
Collier's Encyclopedia. - Open Society. 2000 .
See what "SUN YAT-SEN" is in other dictionaries:
- 孫逸仙 ... Wikipedia
- (Sun Yatsen) (1866–1925) One of the first leaders of the Nationalist revolution in China. Born into a poor peasant family in the southern province of Guangdong. At the age of 13, he went to Hawaii with his older brother, studied in Western schools, and from there went to... ... Political science. Dictionary.
SUN YAT-SEN (dialect version of Sun Yixian; Sun Zhongshan, pseudonym Sun Wen) Chinese revolutionary, first president of the Republic of China (1912), ... ... Philosophical Encyclopedia
Sun Yat-sen- Sun Yat-sen. Sun Yat-sen. Sun Yat-sen (: Sun Zhongshan, Sun Wen) () Chinese revolutionary democrat. He created the revolutionary organization Xingzhonghoi in 1894, and the more massive revolutionary organization Tongmenghui in 1905. Leader of the Xinhai Revolution... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary " The World History»
- (other names: Sun Zhongshan, Sun Wen) (1866 1925), Chinese political figure. He created the Xingzhonghui organization in 1894, and the more massive Tongmenghui organization in 1905. Leader of the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 13, first (temporary) president of the Chinese... ... encyclopedic Dictionary
Modern encyclopedia
- (other names: Sun Zhongshan Sun Wen) (1866 1925), Chinese politician. He created the Xingzhonghui organization in 1894, and the more massive Tongmenghui organization in 1905. Leader of the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 13, first (temporary) president of the Chinese... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary
- (other names: Sun Zhongshan, Sun Wen) (1866 1925) Chinese revolutionary democrat. He created the revolutionary organization Xingzhonghoi in 1894, and the more massive revolutionary organization Tongmenghui in 1905. Leader of the Xinhai Revolution 1911 1913… … Historical Dictionary
Sun Yat-sen- (other names: Sun Zhongshan, Sun Wen) (1866 1925), Chinese politician. He created the revolutionary organization Xingzhonghui in 1894, and the more massive revolutionary organization Tongmenghui in 1905. Leader of the Xinhai Revolution 1911 13, first... ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary
SUN YAT-SEN
(1866-1925) - an outstanding Chinese democratic revolutionary and statesman. J.V. Stalin characterized him as “the organizer of the national liberation struggle of the workers and peasants of China for the freedom and independence of the Chinese people, for the unity and independence of the Chinese state.”
S. was born into a wealthy peasant family near Canton. He received his initial education at a missionary school on the Hawaiian Islands, and his higher education (medical) first in Cantons and then in Hong Kong. Upon graduation in 1892 medical institute S. worked for some time as a doctor on the island. Macau, but then became a professional revolutionary.
In 1894, S. founded the “Renaissance Union” among Chinese emigrants on the Hawaiian Islands, which aimed to overthrow the Manchu dynasty. In 1895, after the failure of the first revolutionary action of the "Union" in Canton, S. was forced to emigrate. Abroad, S. continued his revolutionary activities. In 1905, he organized in Tokyo the “Chinese Union of Like-Minded People” (Zhongguo Tongmenhui), the program of which was the “three popular principles” developed by S.: 1) the overthrow of the power of the foreign Manchu dynasty (“nationalism”), 2) the establishment of democracy (“democracy”) and 3) equal redistribution of land (“national welfare”). S. did not yet propose to wage a direct struggle against foreign imperialism. He harbored illusions that the Western powers, in particular the United States, would voluntarily abandon their policy of conquest in China. While in exile, S. repeatedly unsuccessfully appealed to some statesmen in the United States and England to help the Chinese people free themselves from the rule of the Manchu dynasty.
The uprising in Wuchang organized by Tongmenhui in October 1911 marked the beginning of the Chinese revolution. S. immediately left for his homeland. During this time, he visited a number of European capitals to encourage the powers to withdraw their political and financial support for the Manchu dynasty. In particular, he negotiated with the board of the “Banking Consortium of the Four Powers” on the suspension of payments to the Manchurian court for previously concluded loans and sought from the English government a promise of neutrality regarding the outbreak of the revolution in China.
Upon arrival in Shanghai, S. 1. I 1912 was elected by a conference of representatives of the rebel provinces to the post of provisional president of the republic. In his presidential manifesto, S. appealed to the powers to recognize the republic and provide it with support. But the imperialists were hostile to the republicans. S.'s appeal remained unanswered. Only Bolshevik party At the Prague Conference in January 1912, it welcomed the Chinese revolution. The resolution adopted by the conference pointed out the need to counteract the policies of the tsarist government, which, like other imperialist powers, tried to take advantage of the Chinese revolution to further enslave China.
In February 1912, under pressure from the liberal bourgeoisie, who did not want further development revolution, was forced to give up the presidency in favor Yuan Shi-kai(cm.). S. took this step also because he feared open intervention by the imperialist powers that supported Yuan Shi-kai; 25. VIII S. convened a congress of democratic and liberal groups, which established the Kuomintang party. However, soon, when Yuan Shi-kai launched an offensive against republican institutions, S. led the resistance forces. In 1913, S. became the head of the uprising that unfolded in South China against Yuan Shi-kai. Although repressions against the Republicans forced S. to emigrate, Yuan Shi-kai still had to abandon the plan for the restoration of the monarchy.
Upon returning from emigration, S. led the forces of the liberal republican bourgeoisie of the South and in 1917 became prime minister of the government formed in Canton. S. hoped that he would be able to achieve recognition from the powers of his government, created in opposition to the reactionary Beijing cabinet of northern militarists. But S.'s hopes were in vain. The refusal of the Paris Peace Conference to recognize China's equal rights and return the territory of the Shandong Peninsula to it convinced China of the need to fight against the imperialists.
The Great October Revolution had a particularly great influence on the formation of S.’s anti-imperialist views. socialist revolution and the struggle of the masses against the semi-colonial regime that began in China. Already in 1918, S. sent a welcoming telegram to V.I. Lenin. In 1920, in one of his official manifestos, S. openly accused the imperialists of interfering in the internal affairs of China. He denied the Beijing government's right to represent China in Washington Conference 1921-22 (see) and announced that the Cantonese government did not recognize its decisions as valid. In a statement sent to all delegations at the Washington Conference, S. demanded the complete abolition of China's semi-colonial status.
In 1923, while in Shanghai, S. established contact with diplomatic representatives of the USSR, who at that time were negotiating with the Beijing government. The communique published on January 26, 1923 stated the coincidence of the views of the Soviet government and China, which sought to establish friendly relations between the USSR and China. S. correctly assessed the USSR policy towards Outer Mongolia. He stated that he “does not find the immediate evacuation of Russian troops from Outer Mongolia either urgently necessary or in accordance with the interests of China, especially in view of the inability of the present Beijing government to prevent the resumption, as a result of such evacuation, of intrigues and hostile actions on the part of the White Guards against Russia...”
In order to reorganize the Kuomintang party and army, S. invited Soviet instructors and advisers to Canton.
From that time on, S. pursued a firm policy of rapprochement with the USSR. In a speech delivered on December 31, 1923 at a youth meeting in Canton, S. said: “From now on, we no longer look at the Western powers, our eyes are directed to the East!”
After Cao Kun was elected president on 5.X. 1923 with the help of Anglo-American diplomacy in Beijing, China demanded that the powers not recognize Cao Kun and recognize the Cantonese government. However, S. did not receive a response from the diplomatic corps.
In an effort to strengthen its financial base, in the fall of 1923 the Chinese government twice, through the British Consul General in Canton, appealed to the diplomatic corps in Beijing with a request to restore the practice, established since 1919, of transferring to the Canton government 13.7% of surplus customs revenue remaining after payments on foreign loans. Having received no response, S. 1. XII 1923 declared that the Cantonese government would take control of customs into its own hands. Then Great Britain, the USA, Japan, France, Italy and Portugal held a naval demonstration in the waters of Canton on December 6, 1923 and occupied the Canton customs premises with their troops. S. protested against the provocative actions of the powers and demanded the withdrawal of foreign warships. On December 12, 1923, the diplomatic corps refused. S.'s indignant telegram to the "labor" government of MacDonald and his message to the American people also came to nothing. However, S.'s struggle for the independence of his country contributed to the development of the anti-imperialist movement throughout China. His demands for the destruction of unequal treaties became national.
During this period, S. formulated his “three principles” in a new way. "Nationalism" meant the demand for the liberation of China from imperialist oppression. “Democracy” and “people’s welfare” became a comprehensive program of struggle against the semi-feudal system, as well as against the dominance of monopoly capital in the country’s economy. S. oriented his Kuomintang party towards an alliance with the Communist Party of China, towards supporting the workers' and peasants' movement in the country and towards an alliance between China and the USSR.
S. warmly welcomed Soviet-Chinese agreement 1924(cm.). British diplomacy organized a reactionary rebellion in Canton in the summer of 1924. When S.'s government began to liquidate the rebellion, the English Consul General presented S. with an ultimatum threatening to bomb Canton if government troops opened fire on the rebels. Despite this pressure from the imperialists, S., with the active participation of the Chinese communist party eliminated the rebellion and strengthened Canton as the base of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal movement in China.
S. died on the eve of the Chinese Revolution of 1925-27. Before his death, he wrote a letter to the Central Executive Committee of the USSR and a will to the Kuomintang.
In a letter to the Soviet Union, S. wrote: “I firmly believe in the unwavering support that you have so far provided to my country. As I say goodbye to you, dear comrades, I want to express the hope that the day will soon come when the USSR will be welcomed into a powerful, free China is a friend and ally, and that in the great struggle for the liberation of the oppressed peoples of the world, both allies will go to victory hand in hand."
In his will to the Kuomintang, S. demanded the struggle for the implementation of his “three principles” and the pursuit of a policy of friendship with the USSR.
However, the Kuomintang betrayed the precepts of its leader. The reactionary leadership of the Kuomintang turned the party created by S. into an obedient instrument of the American imperialists, who sought to make China their colony.
Diplomatic Dictionary. - M.: State Publishing House of Political Literature. A. Ya. Vyshinsky, S. A. Lozovsky. 1948 .
See what "SUN YAT-SEN" is in other dictionaries:
- (in Chinese literary pronunciation Sun Yi Xian; other names: Sun Zhongshan, Sun Wen), Chinese revolutionary democrat. Was born in… …
- ... Wikipedia
- ... Wikipedia
- 孫逸仙 ... Wikipedia
SUN YAT-SEN- (in Chinese pronunciation Sun Yixian, other names Sun Zhong Shan, Sun Wen). , the whale is watered. and societies. figure In 1892 he graduated from the medical institute in Hong Kong (Hong Kong), however... ... Russian Pedagogical Encyclopedia
See Sun Yat Sen... Great Soviet Encyclopedia
Sun Yat-sen is revered among the people of China on a par with the names of Confucius and Mencius, and at the official level he was even given the title of “Father of the Nation.”
And it’s not surprising, because today’s People’s Republic of China owes a lot to this man.
The youthful years and formation of Yat-sen's political views
Sun Yat-sen was born in 1866 in Guangdong province into a peasant family. Unable to support the whole family, the slightly matured Sun Yat-sen's parents sent him to his older brother in the Hawaiian Islands.
And it is thanks to this forced measure that the boy receives a good education by attending an English missionary school. Sun Yat-sen's exceptional abilities were demonstrated here.
Very quickly he masters what is unfamiliar to him English language and discovers the world of European education, studies history and mathematics, gets acquainted with Christianity and European liberal socio-political ideas.
Subsequently, Sun Yat-sen continued his education in Hong Kong, graduating from the Central Public School in 1886, and later from the Medical College. But the profession of a doctor did not really interest the future revolutionary. Most of all, he was occupied with the ideas of the revival and transformation of China.
He is outraged by the social injustice and indifference of the ruling Manchu dynasty towards to the common people, backwardness and weakness of his once powerful homeland. A small circle of like-minded people, called the “Four Bandits,” is formed around Sun Yat-sen.
He even tries to convey his thoughts to the ruling elite by sending a memorandum exposing the most acute contradictions in Chinese society and outlining ways to solve them. Sun Yat-sen believes that liberal reforms and democracy is exactly what will improve life in China and help restore its strength.
But the young patriot is faced with a bureaucracy that does not want to change anything. The beginning of revolutionary activity. The last straw that forced Sun Yat-sen to reorient himself from liberal views to a more decisive revolutionary path was the defeat of China in the war with Japan in 1894.
During the same period, he created the first revolutionary Chinese organization, the China Revival Union. Its goal was decisive action to overthrow the Manchu dynasty. The spontaneous outbreak of anti-government protests accelerated his intention, and in 1895. he leads the uprising in Guangzhou. But without receiving widespread support among the country's population, the uprising was quickly suppressed.
From now on, Sun Yat-sen is forced to leave his native country. But he does not despair and begins active work in support of revolution in China, Europe and America. Trying to be as close to his homeland as possible, he settled in Japan, where in 1905 he created a more massive revolutionary organization, the United Union, which was later transformed into the Kuomintang party.
It was during the period of work in this organization that Sun Yat-sen’s three popular principles were formed, which he subsequently sought to implement. Three popular principles:
- Nationalism - the restoration of a sovereign Han dynasty to the Chinese throne, which will not be under foreign influence. Democracy - the establishment of a republican form of government, the division of power into five branches (legislative, judicial, executive, control and selective).
- People's welfare is the creation of equal opportunities for all. The first step towards the implementation of this principle was to be the redistribution of land among peasants.
Revolution and the first steps towards the creation of a new China
From 1895 to 1911, Sun Yat-sen was very active in revolutionary work, organizing anti-government uprisings throughout China. The year 1911 was decisive; another uprising ended with the proclamation of the republic on October 10. Sun Yat-sen, who returned from exile in triumph, was elected the first provisional President of the Republic.
Sun Yat-sen began his reign with democratic reforms:
Corporal punishment is prohibited;
contracts for the purchase and sale of people were cancelled;
Freedom of the press was proclaimed.
The young republican government did not yet have sufficient support and Sun Yat-sen was removed from power by representatives of reactionary circles, and General Yuan Shikai was appointed the new president. But Sun Yat-sen did not stop his political activity, and continued to actively promote parliamentary and economic reforms.
In 1913, under his leadership, the “Second Revolution” began, aimed at overthrowing the military dictatorship of Yuan Shikai. But the protests were quickly suppressed. Sun Yat-sen worked until the end of his life to develop new country, actively attracted specialists from the friendly Soviet Union. In 1925 he died of liver cancer.
Sun Yat-sen went down in Chinese history as the man who led this country out of medieval stagnation into the new modern world. Largely thanks to his activities, the national idea, self-awareness and power of China were revived. In 1940 he was given the title "Father of the Nation". And today streets and avenues are named in honor of Sun Yat-sen, and there are still functioning mausoleums, museums and memorial complexes dedicated to his activities.
Sun Yat-sen and the Xinhai Revolution
The southern regions of China, where the colonialists first established themselves and created the most favorable conditions for modernization and Europeanization, including missionary schools and colleges, gradually became the center for the formation of radical youth, future Chinese revolutionaries. One of the most famous among them was Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925), who studied as a young man in Honolulu, where his emigrant brother lived, and was later educated at missionary schools and the Guangzhou and Hong Kong Medical College. Well educated, widely erudite, having seen the world, Sun Yat-sen, like Kang Yu-wei in his time, tried to combine in his person and his teaching the traditions of classical China and the necessary innovations borrowed from the West. Created by him in Hawaii and then recreated in Guangzhou, the “Union for the Revival of China” at the end of the 19th century. united hundreds of members in its ranks; his goal was to overthrow the Qing dynasty, create a democratic government in the country and carry out radical reforms in China. Attempts to get closer to the reformers met with misunderstanding on the part of Kang Yu-wei, and only after the defeat and flight of the reformers, already in Japan, in exile (Sun Yat-sen was forced to emigrate after a failed uprising attempt in 1895), these attempts yielded some results ( agreement between Sun Yat-sen and Liang Chi-chao), but not for long. Soon the paths of the reformers and the revolutionaries led by Sun Yat-sen finally diverged.
Another attempt to raise an uprising - at the height of the Ihetuai movement, in 1900 - was again defeated. But after the defeat of the Iisetuan uprising and the second attempt at reform, the situation in the country, as mentioned, began to change. In and around China, in centers of emigration of Chinese students and others, unions and organizations began to emerge one after another, with the goal of radical changes in the country. Organizations published newspapers and magazines that outlined their programs of action, printed slogans and appeals, and sometimes also serious analytical articles. In 1902–1903 Sun revived the activities of his union and created a number of its new branches. It was to this time that the final formation of the foundations of his doctrine dates back to the famous “three principles”: nationalism (overthrow of the Manchu dynasty), democracy (republican-democratic system) and people's welfare. Following this, Sun Yat-sen visited a number of countries and did a lot of work to unite like-minded people, primarily among active emigrants. V. 1905t. he convened a founding congress of members of various organizations in Japan, which created the “United Union” (Tongmenghui). Having become the head of the union and starting to publish the magazine "Minbao", Sun Yat-sen began to promote his ideas (three principles) and program documents organizations, including projects for the constitutional structure of the future of China (largely based on the European model) and the elimination of social inequality.
Calls for constitutional reforms did not escape the ears of the Pinsk government, which considered it best to get ahead of events and, in turn, raise the question of constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary system. Promises in this regard, vague at first, were then, under pressure from the reformers and under the influence of a powerful - in the spirit of the classical Confucian norm - petition campaign of 1907-1908, expressed in the form of a project proposing to convene parliament and put into effect the as yet undeveloped constitution in 1916. This project satisfied few people, and the death of the all-powerful Cixi in 1908 sharply accelerated the course of events. The debate was now openly about whether to lead to a revolution or not: the reformers believed that a revolutionary explosion would provoke the powers and lead to the division of China; the revolutionaries believed that the revolution would just save China from destruction and unite its people.
Tongmenghui set a course for preparing an armed uprising, counting on the support of numerous people in China secret societies, which have long supplied numerous rebel detachments in times of crisis. The calculation was quite correct: the crisis in the country was making itself felt more and more, and here and there the peasants took up arms. In response to this, the Qing authorities tried to pursue a tougher policy. In particular, General Yuan Shikai, who had made a career after the betrayal of 1898, but continued to be considered quite liberal, and enjoyed the support of the powers, was removed from his post and dismissed. The harsh policy caused even greater discontent and led to a new wave of mass protests. Fermentation also began in the troops, where Tunmehui's agitators were active.
In short, a revolutionary explosion was brewing in the country. In January 1911, an uprising headquarters was created in Hong Kong, headed by Sun Yat-sen's assistant Huang Sin. And although the attempt to raise an uprising in April 1911 in Guangzhou failed, and Huang Xing barely escaped, the revolution was already inevitable. Attempts to prevent it by providing the agitated public with new concessions, in particular, in the form of provincial Advisory Committees with limited powers (1908–1909), in the form of the formation of a new cabinet of ministers based on the European model (May 1911), could no longer help. The uprising on October 10, 1911 in Wuchang led to the overthrow of imperial power. The Manchu dynasty collapsed like a house of cards. Power in the country was vested in local leaders. In the north of the country, it gradually began to consolidate in the hands of Yuan Shi-kai, who became prime minister in November and announced the convening of the All-China Parliament. On February 12, 1912, Hsin Hai Day in the Chinese calendar, the monarchy was officially abolished. In the south of the country, Sun Yat-sen, who returned to China, was elected provisional president of the Republic of China with its capital in Nanjing, but after the overthrow of the monarchy and in the name of the unity of the country, he agreed to renounce the presidency in favor of Yuan Shi-kai. Under the terms of the agreement with the revolutionary south, a member of Tongmenghui, Tang Shao-yi, was appointed prime minister under Yuan Shih-kai.
In April 1912, a provisional parliament was created in Beijing from members of the Nanjing Assembly and deputies from the provinces. But this parliament failed to achieve the creation of a government responsible to it. Moreover, the Beiyang (representatives of the northern army group) generals forced the parliament members to vote for the ministers elected by Yuan Shi-kai. It became obvious that Yuan Shi-kai preferred to rule without the sanction of parliament and was leading the way to the creation of a strong central government, even a dictatorship. Sun Yat-sen, at first resigned to this, in the fall began to create a new political party, the Kuomintang, based on Tongmenghui, which was necessary in connection with the elections to the permanent parliament scheduled for the end of 1912 - beginning of 1913. But Yuan Shi-kai, ignoring the parliament convened in April 1913, began to prepare for the fight against the Kuomintang, for an armed campaign against the revolutionary republican south of the country. The Kuomintang, who formed the majority in parliament, interfered with him, and in November 1913 he dissolved parliament, and in early 1914 also provincial and local democratic institutions. In March of the same year, he openly opposed the Sun Yatsen provisional constitution adopted in Nanjing in 1912, and on May 1, 1914 he published a draft of a new constitution, according to which the president was granted almost unlimited rights, and many positions, ranks and titles were restored only that of an overthrown monarchy. In December 1914, the president, dressed in imperial regalia, performed a solemn ceremony in the Temple of Heaven, which was supposed to symbolize loyalty to the imperial order.
In January 1915, Japan took possession of the territories seized by Germany in 1898 in Shandong and, having strengthened itself on Chinese soil, presented 21 demands to China, the essence of which was to turn China into a dependent state. After bargaining, Yuan Shi-kai was forced to accept a significant part of these demands, which significantly strengthened Japan’s position in China. In an effort to play on this, Yuan Shi-kai complained about the weakness of power in the new China, and he saw its strengthening in the rejection of the republican system, in a return to the monarchy. Having given his daughter in marriage to the last Chinese emperor Pu Yi, he was already preparing to proclaim himself the new emperor of China. But the campaign to restore the monarchy caused strong resistance in the country. Regionalism reasserted itself: the generals who were masters in one province or another did not want to submit to the center. Yuan Shih-kai was forced to abandon his plans to restore the monarchy and died soon after in the summer of 1916.
The death of Yuan Shi-kai temporarily removed the problem of restoring the monarchy in China (in 1917, Yuan's successor Duan Chi-rui tried to return to it again, planning to place Pu Yi on the throne, but his plan failed), and the main consequence of this was weakening of power in Beijing and its gradual transfer, as mentioned, to local militaristic generals. As has happened more than once during periods of crisis in the history of China in the past, to the fore in political life The country's military came out again and for a long time. Parliament was dispersed and reconvened, either in Beijing or Nanjing, but its role was already secondary: it could only sanction events that happened against its will, be it the appointment of a particular president, the change or restoration of the constitution. The leader of the Chinese revolution, Sun Yat-sen, was in a similar position: either he was elected president, or he lost this post again, and almost everything depended on the will of the militarists who had real power in a particular region in the south of the country. In the north, for a number of years, the president was Duan Chi-rui, who relied on the Anfu military clique, with which the Zhili clique led by Wu Pei-fu competed. It was Duan Chi-rui who insisted that China officially declare war on Germany in 1917.
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