Domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815-1825. marked by caution and slowness. It would seem that the Russian Empire after the Patriotic War of 1812 was ready for reforms and changes, but Alexander hesitated. And if he first introduced the Constitution in the Kingdom of Poland in 1815, and then instructed N.N. Novosiltsev to develop a draft of the Russian Constitution, then, seeing that the highest circles of Russia were dissatisfied with such reforms, and fearing for his life, he did not introduce it in the country. In addition, Alexander I in the 1820s. destroyed many of the reforms of the beginning of his reign. By the end of his life, the personality of the emperor had completely changed from a liberal innovator who sought to make Russia a free country, to a spiritual man who was indifferent to the state affairs of Russia. You will learn more about all this in this lesson.
AlexanderI, the head of the Russian Empire, after the victory over France and his triumph, he was cautious. But, undoubtedly, some steps in the transformation of Russia by Alexander Iwere undertaken. For example, in 1815 he introduced a Constitution in the Polish kingdom, which gave more freedoms to Poland and determined its government structure.
The Polish Constitution of 1815 provided:
- Introduction of a bicameral Sejm (legislative branch).
- A ban on deportation to Siberia without trial and a ban on deprivation of property.
- Law on military service (only subjects of the Polish kingdom could be accepted for public and military service).
- The Polish language became mandatory for government office work.
This Constitution of Poland was actually revolutionary. After the introduction of the Constitution in Poland, Alexander I warned the Poles about their great responsibility in observing the foundations of this Constitution before Russia and Europe. Thus, the first step in government reforms was taken, and the emperor began to think about carrying out reforms in Russia.
Development of the Russian Constitution AlexanderIinstructed his friend, former member of the Secret Committee, Count N.N. Novosiltsev (Fig. 2).The count in 1820 created a project called “Charter of the Russian Empire”.
Rice. 2. N.N. Novosiltsev is the creator of the constitutional project “Charter of the Russian Empire” ()
This project included the following provisions.
1. Introduction of a bicameral Parliament (legislative branch).
However, only the emperor had the right to introduce bills to Parliament. Executive power was also concentrated in his hands.
2. Introduction of inalienable civil rights in the country: personal freedom, inviolability of property, freedom of religion, etc.
3. Introduction of freedom of speech (this issue was very difficult).
Despite all of the above, the “Charter of the Russian Empire” did not resolve the fundamental issue for Russia - the issue of abolishing serfdom, which was dragging Russia back economically. N.N. Novosiltsev perfectly understood the complexity of the abolition of serfdom in the Russian Empire and decided to simply do without it. However, even this very restrained Constitution AlexanderII didn’t dare introduce it in Russia.
The reason that Novosiltsev’s Russian Constitution was not introduced into the Russian Empire was that Alexander I He saw the flames of revolution burning in Europe and feared that if drastic changes were made in his country, it would suffer the same fate. In addition, the emperor saw one more thing - more and more people from high Russian society had a negative attitude towards the reforms. Russian landowners imagined with horror the deprivation of their rights to peasants and land. Seeing such discontent in high society, Alexander I, remembering the fate of his father, Paul I, feared for his life.
AlexanderI During his reign, he never decided to introduce a Constitution in Russia. Moreover, by the 1820s. his actions looked even more strange - he began to destroy his own early reforms.
Alexander's actionsIin the internal politics of Russia in the 1820s. were as follows:
- Introducing a ban on peasants filing complaints against their landowners.
- Introduction of the possibility of deporting peasants to Siberia by decision of the landowner (strengthening serfdom).
- The introduction of strict regulations in higher educational institutions (some educational institutions opened by Alexander I were closed by him).
- Introduction of stricter censorship in Russia (restriction of freedom of speech and freedom of the press).
All these transformations, it would seem, did not fit with Alexander at the beginning of the 19th century, who, together with M.M. Speransky (Fig. 3) wanted to make the Russian Empire free and liberal, but these were irrefutable facts.
Rice. 3. M.M. Speransky - Russian statesman ()
Among other things, the period of Alexander's lifeI in the 1820s associated with another feature of his personality. The emperor suddenly became very spiritual, bringing various preachers and mystics from Russia and Europe closer to him. Gradually, Alexander retreated more and more into spiritual life, turning away from state issues and problems.
Even Alexander's deathIshrouded in an aura of mystery (Fig. 4). He died in Taganrog on the way to the Kislovodsk resorts. After the death of the emperor, a legend circulated throughout Russia that he did not actually die, but went to live as a simple peasant, walked around Russia and did good deeds; and another person was brought in a coffin for burial.
Rice. 4. Death of Alexander I in Taganrog ()
In general, the internal policy of Alexander I in Russia in 1815-1825. did not live up to the hopes of progressive-minded circles of the Russian Empire. However, it can be said that those progressive reforms that were carried out at the beginning of the 19th century largely prepared the ground for the future Great Reforms of the 1860s. Alexandra II.
References
- Valishevsky K. Alexander I. History of the reign. In 3 volumes. - St. Petersburg: “Vita Nova”, 2011.
- Kodan S.V. The last chord of the constitutional intentions of Alexander I. The draft of the State Charter of the Russian Empire of 1820 in the context of the constitutional development of Russia // FEMIS. Yearbook of the history of law and jurisprudence. - M.: MGIU, 2006, Issue. 6.
- Lazukova N.N., Zhuravleva O.N. History of Russia. 8th grade. - M.: “Ventana-Graf”, 2013.
- Lyashenko L.M. History of Russia. 8th grade. - M.: “Drofa”, 2012.
- Presnyakov A.E. Russian autocrats. - M.: Book, 1990.
- Pereplet.ru ().
- Constitution.garant.ru ().
- School.xvatit.com ().
Homework
- What were the main provisions contained in the Polish Constitution of 1815?
- Who and when was the draft “Charter of the Russian Empire” developed? What kind of government structure in Russia was proposed under this project?
- What was the strangeness of Alexander I’s domestic policy in the 1820s? What changes occurred in his personality at this time?
The period of the reign of Alexander I, which began after the war of 1812.
And the defeat of Napoleonic France, was traditionally considered both by contemporaries and in scientific literature as a period of mute reaction. He was contrasted with the first, liberal, half of the reign of Alexander I. Indeed, in 1815-1825 In the internal policy of the autocracy, conservative, protective principles are sharply strengthened. A tough police regime associated with the name of A.A. is being established in Russia. Arakcheev, who played a large role in government. However, Arakcheev, with all his influence, in principle was only an executor of the will of the monarch.
Alexander I did not immediately abandon the liberal initiatives that characterized the first half of his reign. In November 1815, the emperor approved a constitution for the part of Poland (Kingdom of Poland) annexed to Russia, according to the decisions of the Congress of Vienna. The Kingdom of Poland received fairly broad autonomy. The power of the Russian monarch in Poland was limited to a certain extent by a local representative body with legislative functions - the Sejm. The Sejm consisted of two chambers - the Senate and the Ambassadorial Chamber.
Senators were appointed for life by the monarch. They could be representatives of the royal family, the highest clergy, and large landowners. The Ambassadorial Chamber consisted of 128 deputies, of which 77 were elected by nobles (for 6 years) at gentry sejmiks, and 51 at gmina (volost) assemblies. Voting rights were given to all nobles who had reached the age of 21 and owned real estate, as well as other property owners, manufacturers, workshop owners, professors, teachers, etc. Peasants were not allowed to participate in the elections. However, by the standards of that time, the electoral system established in the Kingdom of Poland was quite progressive. Thus, if in France in 1815 80 thousand people received voting rights, then in Poland, with a population several times smaller than the population of France, 100 thousand people had these rights.
Alexander I considered the granting of a constitution to the Kingdom of Poland as the first step towards the introduction of a representative form of government in the Russian Empire. He made a corresponding hint in March 1818 in a speech delivered at the opening of the Polish Sejm. On behalf of Alexander I, one of the former members of the Secret Committee (N.N. Novosiltsev) began work on a draft constitution for Russia. The document he prepared (State Charter of the Russian Empire) introduced the federal principle of government; legislative power was divided between the emperor and a bicameral parliament - the Sejm, which consisted (as in Poland) of the Senate
And Embassy Chamber. The charter provided citizens of the Russian Empire with freedom of speech, religion, press,
guaranteed personal integrity. This document said nothing about serfdom.
In 1818-1819 Alexander I also made attempts to resolve the peasant issue. The Tsar instructed several dignitaries to prepare relevant projects at once, and among them Arakcheev. The latter developed a plan for the gradual elimination of serfdom by redeeming the landowner peasants with their allotment from the treasury. For this purpose, it was planned to allocate 5 million rubles annually. or issue special treasury notes that bear interest. Arakcheev's proposals received the emperor's approval.
Nevertheless, plans for political reform and the abolition of serfdom remained unrealized. In 1816-1819 Only the Baltic peasants received personal freedom. At the same time, the landowners retained full ownership of all land. In return for renting the landowner's land, peasants were still required to perform corvée duties. Numerous restrictions (for example, restrictions on the right to change place of residence) significantly curtailed the personal freedom of peasants. The landowner could subject “free” farm laborers to corporal punishment. Thus, in the Baltic states, numerous remnants of the former serf relations remained.
By 1821 - 1822 Alexander I's refusal to make any changes became a fait accompli. Supporters of change constituted an insignificant minority in ruling circles. The tsar himself, convinced of the impossibility of carrying out any serious reforms under these conditions, evolved more and more to the right in his views. It was a painful process that ended for Alexander I with a severe mental crisis. Having abandoned reforms, the tsar set a course for strengthening the foundations of the existing system. The internal political course of the autocracy from 1822-1823. characterized by a transition to outright reaction. However, already from 1815, the practice of public administration in many significant respects sharply contrasted with the liberal initiatives of the monarch that were conceived and partially implemented. The offensive of reaction along all lines became an increasingly tangible factor in Russian reality.
Harsh and senseless drills were enforced in the army. The most visible embodiment of the police regime that was establishing itself in the country were military settlements. For the first time during the reign of Alexander I they were organized back in 1810-1812. in the Mogilev province, however, they became widespread since 1816. By the end of the reign of Alexander I, approximately 375 thousand state peasants were transferred to the position of military peasants, which amounted to about a third of the Russian army, which, obviously, in the future it was planned to make all of them “settled”. Military settlements were organized in St. Petersburg, Novgorod, Mogilev, Kherson, Yekaterinoslav and other provinces.
By creating military settlements, the government hoped to solve several problems at once. First of all, this made it possible to reduce the cost of maintaining the army, which was extremely important during the financial breakdown in the last years of the reign of Alexander I. The peasants who were transferred to the category of military peasants combined agricultural work with military service.
Thus, the armed forces were transferred to “self-sufficiency.” On the other hand, the “settlement” of the army was supposed to ensure its recruitment in peacetime due to natural growth in military settlements. Thus, in the future it was possible to eliminate conscription - one of the most burdensome peasant duties. In the person of the military villagers, a special caste was created, isolated from the bulk of the peasantry, and therefore, as it seemed to the ruling circles, capable of being a reliable support for the existing order. Finally, the transfer of state-owned peasants to the category of military peasants strengthened administrative supervision over the state village.
The settled troops formed a Separate Corps of Military Settlements, commanded by Arakcheev. The life of the villagers was real hard labor. They had no right to go to work, engage in trade or fishing. Military villagers experienced the double hardships of soldier and peasant life. From the age of 12, their children were taken away from their parents and transferred to the category of cantonists (soldiers' children), and from the age of 18 they were considered to be on active military service. The entire life of the military villagers was subject to a strict barracks routine and was strictly regulated. The arbitrariness of the authorities reigned in the settlements, and there was a system of inhumane punishments.
The military settlements did not live up to the hopes that the ruling circles pinned on them. However, Alexander I, convinced of the advisability of “settling” the army, with tenacity worthy of better use, defended the course taken, once declaring that military settlements “will be at all costs, even if the road from St. Petersburg to Chudov has to be paved with corpses.” "
The onset of reaction was also evident in the government's education policy. In 1817, the Ministry of Public Education was transformed into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education. It concentrated the management of both church affairs and issues of public education. The influence of religion on the cultural life of the country has increased. The attack on universities immediately began. In 1819, Kazan University, recognized as a hotbed of freethinking, was truly destroyed. 11 professors were fired for unreliability. The teaching of all subjects was restructured in the spirit of Christian doctrine, understood in a very primitive way, which could in no way contribute to the development of religious feeling. The behavior of students was placed under petty and strict administrative supervision.
In 1821, an attack on St. Petersburg University began. The most prominent scientists are M.A. Balugyansky, K.I. Arsenyev, K.F. Herman and others were expelled from there on charges of promoting the ideas of the French Revolution. Censorship was significantly tightened, which did not allow even reviews of the performances of actors in imperial theaters to be published in print, since the actors were in government service and their criticism could be regarded as criticism of the government. Various circles of a religious and mystical nature were active.
The Bible Society, founded back in 1812, especially stood out in this regard. It sought to unite representatives of various Christian denominations to fight the international ideas of progress and revolution, contrasting them with cosmopolitan religious principles. However, the tendency towards a certain equation of Orthodoxy with other confessions, manifested in the activities of both the Bible Society and the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education, caused discontent among the Orthodox clergy, who did not want to give up their privileged status. As a result, the Bible Society fell into disgrace, and in 1824 the previous order of managing the affairs of the Orthodox Church and public education was restored, which again passed respectively into the competence of two independent authorities - the Synod and the Ministry of Public Education.
Conservative principles were also embodied in practical measures taken by the autocracy in relation to the peasantry. Thus, until 1815, the law formally remained in force, according to which only peasants registered as landowners under the first two revisions could not “seek freedom.” Now all other categories of the landowner peasantry have also been deprived of this right.
Increased reaction from the early 1820s. again clearly manifested itself in measures aimed at strengthening the power of landowners over the peasants. In 1822, Alexander I approved the decision of the State Council “On sending serfs to Siberia for settlement for bad offenses.” This act restored the right of landowners to exile peasants to Siberia, abolished by the Tsar in 1809.
The only difference between the old order, which existed before 1809, and the new order, introduced in 1822, was that previously landowners could send serfs to hard labor, and now - to settlement. In accordance with the clarification that followed in 1823, the courts were not supposed to deal with the affairs of peasants exiled to settlement. Thus, even those insignificant concessions to the serfs that Alexander I made in the initial period of his reign were significantly curtailed.
Has undergone changes since the early 1820s. and the policy of Alexander I towards Poland. The Sejm of the second convocation turned out to be disobedient. In 1820, by a majority vote, he rejected the bills submitted for his approval as violating the constitution.
After this, Alexander I did not convene the Sejm at all for the two terms provided for by the constitution. As a result, it was not the order established in Poland that spread to Russia, but, on the contrary, the absolutist principles that prevailed in all other parts of the empire were gradually established in Poland. In the context of further onset of reaction, Alexander I died in Taganrog in November
The “thunderstorm of '12” swept through, and domestic politics became of paramount importance for the Russian government.
Having strengthened his authority as a result of the victory over the French, Alexander made another series of reform attempts in domestic politics in the post-war period.
The tsar paid great attention to the organization of military settlements, the idea of creating which belonged to A.A. Arakcheev. The authorities intended to make them exemplary in economic terms and thus ensure a full-fledged replenishment of the army. The main purpose of their creation was to reduce government spending on the maintenance of the army. For this purpose, villages with state peasants were transferred to the jurisdiction of the War Ministry. Peasants were exempt from taxes, but had to support military units. The population of the villages consisted of married soldiers with families. Single soldiers were distributed among their apartments and worked as farm laborers. The life of peasants in military settlements was subject to military discipline: they went to work in formation and worked under the supervision of superiors. Children of military villagers were trained in military affairs from the age of 7, and from the age of 12 they were taken away from their parents. Marriages took place according to the orders of the authorities.
By the end of the reign of Alexander I, about 400 thousand peasants lived in military settlements. Settler uprisings became one of the main forms of the peasant movement in the first third of the 19th century. The uprisings of 1819 in Ukraine, in Chuguev, and 1831 in the Novgorod province were especially strong.
Military settlements did not live up to the hopes placed on them and did not become centers of exemplary economy. Untimely completion of agricultural work often led to the loss of crops. The settlers did not become a reliable support for military order and discipline. Moreover, the harsh drill gave birth to dissatisfied people, and it more than once led to mass protests.
In 1819, there was unrest in the Chuguevsky regiment. The rebels demanded to return them to their previous state, seized the lands taken from them, beat and expelled the leaders. The same thing was soon repeated in the district of the Taganrog regiment and in a number of other military districts. Those who dared to show dissatisfaction were mercilessly flogged and exiled to Siberia.
Military settlements were abolished in 1857.
Serfdom remained a difficult problem. Alexander I was sure that it was necessary to end him. But how? If you free the peasants without land, giving them only the formal rights of a free citizen, what will they do? The land is owned by the landowners, and without it the farmer is doomed to starvation. Who will cultivate the land, produce agricultural products, and provide the country with much-needed supplies abroad?
There are many questions, and none of the proposed answers to them satisfied the king.
In 1818, Alexander I instructed A. A. Arakcheev to develop a draft law for the abolition of serfdom, on the condition that the law should not contain any violent actions on the part of the government, as well as any restrictive measures for landowners.
A.A. Arakcheev believed that it was impossible to immediately abolish the serfdom of peasants from the landowners. He was looking for another way, an economic one, for example, to buy out peasants and courtyard people in agreement with the landowner. Let the state do this - acquire land estates at auction and distribute them among the freed peasants “two tithes per capita,” that is, for every adult man. It was estimated that the state would need 5 million rubles annually for these purposes. The project remained unrealized.
Hopes that Russia would acquire legal norms for public life were revived in 1815, when the part of Poland that became part of the empire was granted a constitution. It provided for the creation of a bicameral Sejm, a system of local self-government and freedom of the press. The king announced his intention to extend similar orders throughout the country.
The sovereign instructed his friend, the trustee of the St. Petersburg educational district, Nikolai Nikolaevich Novosiltsev (1768-1838), to draw up a draft constitution for Russia. So in 1819, the “Charter of the Russian Empire” appeared with proposals for reforming the country’s political system. The project provided for the introduction of a bicameral legislative parliament, the upper house of which (the Senate) would be appointed by the emperor, and the lower house would be partially elected and partially appointed.
The “Charter Charter...” proclaimed freedom of speech, press, religion, equality of all citizens before the law, inviolability of personality and private property. But this project was not implemented either.
Historians have thought a lot about why Alexander I was never able to realize the plans and dreams that he sympathized with from the very beginning of his reign. Various reasons were given. The main thing in this, as it seemed to many, duality and indecision of Alexander I was that, understanding the need for reforms, he was sure: Russia had not reached the stage of its development when subjects should be endowed with broad civil rights, state control over the public life of the country - weaken. It is likely that he was afraid for his personal safety.
In the field of culture and education, Alexander I sought to restore the tradition of church influence on secular education. In fact, this was a pretext for the struggle against the ideas of enlightenment and liberalism. The Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education, headed by A.N. Golitsyn, chief prosecutor of the Synod, fired the best university professors for “freethinking.” Anything that seemed to disagree with the contents of the Bible was expelled from education. Thus, the teaching of natural sciences was distorted. Censorship was rampant, prohibiting the discussion of political issues and the publication of information about trials.
The result of all this was a new stage of the split between the authorities and the population of the country, the autocracy and the noble intelligentsia in Russia. In fact, the policy of enlightened absolutism, which sought to unify government and society, failed. The failures of political reforms in Russia began to become systematic. If in the XVI - XVIII centuries. This was explained by the traditional nature of society, the impossibility of relying on the archaic ideals of the peasantry in the matter of reforms, then in the 19th century. The conservative position of the authorities, which consciously opposed itself to liberal ideals, began to play an increasingly important role in the refusal of reforms. In these circumstances, hopes for reform “from above” began to abandon the liberal nobility.
However, despite the fact that many reform initiatives were never implemented, the internal policies of Alexander I and the projects of reforms developed on his instructions prepared the ground for large-scale economic and political reform of Russia in the future.
Task No. 1. What factors influenced the continuation of reforms, and which ones hindered them after the end of World War II?
Task No. 2. Write a story about the development and adoption of the Polish constitution, as well as its main provisions from the words of a Polish nobleman and a Russian conservative nobleman. Write an outline for such a story
“Tsar Alexander decided to grant a constitution to the Poles, who were accustomed to living freely. This is the right step to smooth out the contradictions, because the Poles supported Napoleon with enthusiasm and joy, who restored Poland. The oath of the Russian Tsar caused extraordinary delight. Poles received civil and political rights. Polish became the official language, and from now on all government posts could only be held by Poles. Legislative power was given to the Sejm, to the lower house of which nobles and representatives of cities were elected. All executive power belongs to the State Council, and the Russian Tsar cannot personally make a single decision. The Poles have strengthened their hope that this constitution is only the first step towards even greater freedom for their native country!” Polish nobleman
“All this flirting with the Poles will not lead to good. How can a part of the country be granted such freedoms, because this sets an example for the rest of the empire. Giving civil rights to the entire population means putting slaves on an equal footing with nobles! Who will work for us and cultivate the master’s land and how, please, can we order the peasant if we give him rights equal to ours, make his personality inviolable and prohibit punishment?” Russian nobleman-conservative
Story plan. 1) reasons for adoption, 2) main provisions, 3) the nature of the constitution and attitude towards it in society, 4) expectations from the constitution
Task No. 3. Fill out the table “Progressive and reactionary measures of the internal policy of Alexander I in 1815-1825.”
Task No. 4. Explain the meaning of concepts
The Constitution is the basic law of the state, defining its state structure, the system of government and management bodies, their competence and procedure for formation, the electoral system, civil rights and freedoms, as well as the judicial system
Civil liberties (rights) are rights acquired by a person at birth, regardless of his citizenship, gender, age, race, nationality, religion. For example, the right to life, freedom and integrity, freedom of movement, religion, the right to judicial protection, etc.
“The Charter of the Russian Empire” is a draft constitution prepared at the direction of Emperor Alexander I by his representative to the Administrative Council of the Kingdom of Poland N. N. Novosiltsev in 1819
Mysticism - in a broad sense - recognition of the supernatural essence of natural and social phenomena, explanation of various events in people's lives by destiny
The Jesuit Order is a male Catholic monastic order formed by I. Loyola in 1534. Actively involved in science, education and missionary work
Task No. 5. Indicate the correct answer
According to the constitution of 1815, the head of the Polish state was:
a) Polish king
b) Russian Tsar
c) Russian governor general
d) viceroy of the Russian Tsar
Task No. 6. Fill out the table “Project “Charter of the Russian Empire”
Progressive features Conservative traits The principle of separation of powers
Creation of a bicameral State Sejm and bicameral local Sejms
Approval of the budget and laws by the Sejm
Election of representative and judicial authorities
Granting suffrage
Providing civil liberties
Freedom of the press
Independence of the judiciary and equality of citizens before the law
Sovereignty of the imperial power
The exclusive right of legislative initiative and the right of veto of the emperor
All executive power is in the hands of the emperor
Property electoral qualification, which determined the composition of the Sejm
Granting voting rights and civil liberties only to representatives of free classes
The issue of serfdom was not addressed
Task No. 7. Make a table based on the material in § 1, 3 and 6 “The main results of the internal policy of Alexander I”
Task No. 8. Give a description of Emperor Alexander I, having previously drawn up a plan for the report
Report plan:
1) Circumstances of coming to power
2) Characteristics
3) Characteristics of the reign
4) Conclusion
Alexander became king after the murder of his own father, which he knew about and considered it impossible to prevent. Subsequently, this left an imprint on his entire reign and some character traits.
According to contemporaries, Alexander was a man of a bright mind and kind heart. He was well educated and brought up. His way of thinking was largely shaped by the influence of La Harpe. But what was inherent in him by nature was distorted by reality. He was indecisive and weak in character, his weakness in decision-making sometimes led him to stubbornness. He was vindictive, but did not “execute” the person, but pursued him slowly and methodically. Knowing about the fate of his father, Alexander was secretive, insincere, resourceful, reaching the point of duplicity. He was selfish and indifferent to the fate of his companions. He had a passion for acting and posing
It seems to me wrong to divide Alexander's reign into liberal and conservative periods. Having come to power and being an intelligent man, he understood the unsuitability of his father’s methods and knew how to wait, listen to moods and be resourceful in ways to achieve the goal. While his power was weak, Alexander flirted with various groups of nobles and maneuvered. But, as power strengthened, Alexander’s policy acquired more and more specific features and was aimed at strengthening autocracy
The reign of Alexander was very accurately characterized by Klyuchevsky: “...If an outside observer, who had the opportunity to become acquainted with the Russian state order and Russian social life at the end of the reign of Catherine, then returned to Russia at the end of the reign of Alexander and took a close look at Russian life, he would not have noticed that there was an era of governmental and social changes; he would not have noticed the reign of Alexander"
The need for changes in the sphere of socio-economic relations and the political system became obvious. Having become the “Tsar of Poland” after the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815), Alexander 1st presented his new subjects with the most liberal constitution in Europe. At the opening of the Polish Sejm in 1818, he promised to extend freedom to all territories under his control.
Secret work began on the creation of a Russian constitution. Its author was N.N. Novosiltsev is one of the “young friends” of the emperor, who supported the future tsar even before ascending the throne. The text of the constitution was written by 1820.
The charter limited autocratic arbitrariness, but maintained the dominant position of the autocracy in all areas of public life. But the first constitution in Russian history was not promulgated. Alexander 1st also abandoned plans to abolish serfdom. The implementation of reforms was prevented by powerful resistance from the main part of the Russian nobility.
Revolutionary events in Italy and Spain, unrest among the soldiers of the Semenovsky regiment in Russia put an end to Alexander I’s hesitation in choosing the forms and methods of government, leading him to a policy of absolutism and reaction.
In the second half of his reign, Alexander 1st ruled through the hands of his assistant, the general. To reduce treasury expenses for maintaining the army, Arakcheev created settlements that were characterized by military hardships, drill and strict discipline. The peasants were forced to farm for their livelihood. This was the worst form of serfdom.
The Patriotic War of 1812, its results, and victorious foreign campaigns created a patriotic upsurge in the army and civil society. A long stay in Europe familiarized the advanced circles of Russian officers with ideological trends.
The Enlightenment as a philosophy and the French Revolution against the backdrop of Russian feudal reality served as the reasons for the emergence of the ideology of the Decembrist movement.
Returning after a liberation mission from Europe to Russia, oppressed by serfdom and Arakcheevism, progressively minded officers formed the “Union of Salvation.” The organization of 30-50 people had as its goal the abolition of serfdom and the introduction of a constitution in Russia. The participants and organizers of this society understood their weakness, the small number of members of the organization and the insufficient funds to implement their plans.
In 1818, the Union of Salvation was renamed the Union of Welfare. A struggle for public opinion began, and anti-serfdom ideas were propagated. According to the organization's charter, each of its members was obliged to choose one of four areas for their practical activities: participation in the activities of charitable societies; education; justice; public economy.
In 1820, Alexander I began to pursue a reactionary policy, and open propaganda of the ideas of the “Union of Welfare,” as well as its very existence, became dangerous. In January 1821 the society was dissolved.
Instead of the "Union of Welfare" in 1821-1822. Two secret unions were formed that were revolutionary in nature.
The “Northern Society” was headed by the Muravyov brothers, Prince S.P. Trubetskoy, N.I. Turgenev, Prince E.P. Obolensky, poet K.F. Ryleev.
“Southern Society” was formed in Ukraine in the city of Tulchin. It was headed by Colonel P.I. Pestel. Being an energetic and ambitious man, he preached extreme revolutionary tactics based on terror, right up to the destruction of the entire imperial family. Active members of southern society were General S.G. Volkonsky, A.P. Yushnevsky, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M.A. Bestuzhev.
The “Society of United Slavs” had the goal of creating a federal republic of all Slavic peoples.